Comparative Typological Analysis of Uzbek and Kazakh Yor-Yor

Songs

H. Aliqulova

Tashkent State University of Uzbek Language and Literature named after Alisher Navoi, Tashkent, Uzbekistan

Keywords: Ritual, Custom, Rhyme, Poetic Feature, Comparative Analysis, Typology, Genre Features, Magical Belief.

Abstract: Yor-yor songs, a genre deeply rooted in Turkic wedding ceremonies, exhibit both unique and shared

characteristics across cultures. This article conducts a comparative typological analysis, focusing on Uzbek

and Kazakh yor-yor songs. It delves into various facets, including the role of speech within the wedding

ceremony, the performance skills of the artists, the nuanced portrayal of figures, and the presence of magical

beliefs. Additionally, it explores the innermost thoughts, dreams, and hopes of the bride and groom, shedding

light on their attitudes toward familial and household processes. The article also examines the purposes of

rhymed expressions and the significance of symbolic motifs within these songs. By scrutinizing these

elements, this study underscores the essential role of yor-yor songs in Turkic wedding ceremonies.

Furthermore, it reveals how these songs serve as a medium to convey the deep-seated thoughts, emotions, and

experiences of the newlyweds. The comparative analysis between Uzbek and Kazakh traditions offers

valuable insights into the rich tapestry of Turkic cultural heritage, contributing to our understanding of the

intricate dynamics within wedding rituals.

1 INTRODUCTION

Central Asia, a land brimming with diverse ethnic

groups and a storied history, stands as a testament to

the profound beauty of its customs, celebrations,

unique traditions, and ceremonies. Over the course of

millennia, this region has witnessed the ebb and flow

of empires, the intermingling of cultures, and the

emergence of its own vibrant tapestry of traditions,

each imbued with deep historical roots.

The breadth and depth of these traditions are

inseparable from the historical development of

Central Asia. This vast region, often referred to as the

heartland of the Silk Road, has been a crossroads of

civilizations, facilitating the exchange of ideas, art,

and traditions for centuries. From the nomadic tribes

that traversed its expansive steppes to the great

empires that rose and fell within its borders, Central

Asia's history is etched into its very soul.

Central Asians have long recognized that the

essence of a nation's values and spirituality can be

most vividly observed through the lens of their

wedding ceremonies. These ceremonies, like

prismatic reflections, capture the spectrum of Central

Corresponding author

Asian culture, showcasing its diversity, resilience,

and enduring beauty.

The evolution and persistence of national

traditions, customs, ceremonies, and rituals are

influenced by an intricate web of factors, with

lifestyle being among the most potent catalysts for

change. However, at the core of this dynamism lies a

profound respect for heritage, a reverence for the past

that informs the present, and a commitment to passing

down cultural treasures to future generations.

Celebrations, particularly weddings, occupy a special

place in Central Asian life. They serve as communal

touchstones, bringing together not only immediate

family but also extended relatives, neighbors, and

close friends. The bonds forged during these joyful

gatherings extend beyond the couple at the center of

the celebration, weaving a rich tapestry of kinship and

neighborly relations. The significance of Central

Asian weddings extends far beyond the exchange of

vows and rings. These ceremonies are tangible

manifestations of the culture, customs, kinship ties,

communal bonds, worldviews, religious beliefs,

imaginative expressions, and traditional rituals

unique to each ethnic group. They encapsulate a

H. Aliqulova, .

Comparative Typological Analysis of Uzbek and Kazakh Yor-Yor Songs.

DOI: 10.5220/0012478500003792

Paper published under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

In Proceedings of the 1st Pamir Transboundary Conference for Sustainable Societies (PAMIR 2023), pages 125-129

ISBN: 978-989-758-687-3

125

symphony of emotions, hopes, and dreams, creating a

visual and sensory feast that resonates deeply with all

who participate. While Central Asia is home to a

mosaic of cultures and traditions, the institution of the

wedding ceremony stands as a unifying force.

Though the specific customs and rituals may vary, the

essence of these celebrations remains remarkably

consistent: they are moments of beauty, joy, nobility,

and dreams. They are a testament to Central Asia's

capacity to evolve while staying rooted in its heritage.

In the heartland of Central Asia, the legacy of

centuries past continues to shape the present, infusing

every aspect of life with cultural richness and depth.

Wedding ceremonies, as microcosms of this vibrant

heritage, exemplify the spirit of unity in diversity,

serving as bridges between the past and the future. As

we embark on a journey through the diverse wedding

traditions of Central Asia, we will delve into the

unique expressions, customs, and symbolism that

make each ceremony a testament to the enduring

beauty of this remarkable region.

2 LITERATURE REVIEW

In particular, the ceremony of escorting the bride to

the groom's house during weddings varies across

different regions of our country, but it has a unique

manifestation at Karakalpak, Kyrgyz, Uyghur, and

Kazakh weddings. Furthermore, even though the

"lapars", "yor-yor", and "olan" expressions used in

this ceremony complement each other in meaning,

they vary based on the location, method, and the

identity of the performers. Such differentiation is

rooted in various historical and family-household

relations.

When studying the early stages of oral creativity

in the history of Turkic peoples, it is fitting to

reference the customs, rituals, and cultures of many

ethnic groups known collectively as the Turks. This

is because today's Uzbek, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Turkmen,

Uyghur, Azerbaijani, Ottoman Turk, Tatar, Yakut

and other independent nations are descendants of the

ancient Turks (Abdurahmanov A. 2006).

In this regard, one can observe specific and

similar aspects in examples of oral creativity among

Turkic peoples, particularly in relation to wedding

ceremonies. For instance, when analysing the setting,

performance method, expressive purpose, poetic

features, structure, and rhyming of "yor-yor" songs—

considered one of the traditional genres of folklore—

the shared aspects in the oral works of Turkic peoples

become clear. The earliest records of the wedding

ceremony can be found in "Devonu Lug'otut-Turk"

by Mahmud Koshgari, a renowned linguist of the 12th

century. Numerous terms associated with marriage

are explained in this work (Mahmud Koshgari. 1960).

Moreover, Alisher Navoi defines the genre of "Yor-

Yor" in "Mezon ul-Avzon" as follows: "Also known

as 'chinga', 'yor-yor' is spoken by Turkic peoples

during weddings. It comes in two types, but one type

does not adhere to the 'Aruz' rhythm at all."

The term "Chinga" is also mentioned in

"Muxtasar". It appears that the "chinga" genre, which

is noted due to the 'Aruz' rhythm, is named after

today's 'radif'. It should be observed that most

people's 'yor-yors' are created in finger rhythm, and

only rarely in the 'Aruz'. Folklorist O. Sobirov

describes 'yor-yor', one of the wedding songs, as

follows: "'Yor-yor' is one of the songs sung at the

girl's party. 'Yor-yor' songs are notable for their

musicality, the fact that they are sung by the majority

in a certain lengthy melody, and their refrains"(

Razzokov H., Mirzaev T., Sobirov O., Imomov K.

1980).

Russian scientists Ch.Ch.Valikhonov,

V.V.Radlov, N.F.Katanov, and N.N.Pantusov have

made substantial contributions to the collection,

study, and publication of the folklore of Turkic

peoples. Their research forms the first foundation for

the collection, publication, and organisation of

folklore works. They have also explored themes and

genre characteristics, performance venues, purposes

of performance, the degree of influence during

performances, the importance of social and domestic

rituals, and the unveiling of issues that invite

scientific research.

The genres and customs of Uzbek folk wedding

ceremony folklore have been studied by scholars such

as M. Alaviya, B. Sarimsakov, M. Joraev, S.

Davlatov, N. Kuronboeva, O. Ismonova, L.

Khudoykulova, F. Hayitova, and M. Murodova.

Furthermore, in the scientific research works of O.

Safarov, S. Davlatov, O. Ismonova, O. Boqiyev, and

A. Abdurakhmanov, "yor-yor", "kelin salom", "kelin

tushdi", "betochar", "beshik ketti" and other examples

of the typology, territorial-local characteristics of oral

creativity have been studied and analysed.

This genre, known as "Yor-Yor" among the

Uzbeks, "Jar-Jar" among the Kazakhs and Kyrgyz,

"Noy-Noy" among the Afghans, "Nakhsho" among

the Uighurs, and "Xeo‘jar" among the Karakalpaks,

is a folk song performed in the bride's tradition,

handed down from one generation to another. It is of

scientific interest due to its impressiveness and the

embodiment of performance in a joyful mood, both

melodious and festive at the same time.

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In Uzbek and Kazakh wedding ceremonies, "yor-

yor" songs were primarily sung by the bride's

groomsmen and friends. Scholar M. Alaviya states:

"Women are the main creators and performers of

ritual songs" (Alaviya. -T). In this context, numerous

folklore scholars hold divergent views (such as the

leadership of female deities in Turkic peoples'

mythology). The performance has a local character,

and it was occasionally sung when the bride was

being taken from the neighbouring house to her

father's house, and sometimes when the bride was

being escorted to the groom's house.

The traditions related to the wedding ceremony,

the organisation, and the holding of various

ceremonies or the execution of certain rituals have

distinct commonalities and uniqueness among the

Turkic peoples. Yor-yor songs possess such unity and

originality in performance method, place, tone,

participation of performers, local features, imagery,

and artistry. In the comparative typological analysis

of the Uzbek and Kazakh peoples, the unique aspects

of the worldviews, home experiences, dreams, and

traditions of these two peoples, along with the ancient

life of the Turks, are vividly manifested.

Among Uzbeks, 'yor-yorar' is traditionally voiced

by women, bridesmaids, and friends of the bride when

escorting the bride-to-be to her father's house: (this is

predominantly conducted on the bride's side). On the

day the girl leaves her father's house, she stays at a

relative's or neighbour's home. In some regions, this

ceremony is referred to as “Qiz saqlandi”, “Qizsoq”,

“Qiz tutildi”, or “Qız majlisi”. In our view, the

preponderance of expressions relating to the bride's

sorrow, thoughts, worries about the gods, and

descriptions of the bride and her parents in 'yor-yors'

vindicates the chosen place of performance.

The verses above follow a double-rhyming pattern

(a-a, b-b) similar to a masnaviy. Here, the words 'yor-

yor', which are repeated after the rhyming words, act

as a refrain.

Let's draw attention to the descriptions such as

'eyebrows like a pencil' and 'mole like a pea' in this

stanza. According to experts, in the oral works of the

Turkic peoples, hair and its analogues - hair,

eyebrows, eyelashes, beard, thick hair - symbolise

fertility and are believed to have a magical influence

on prosperity and fertility. (Musakulov A. 2010)

Birthmarks on the human body were considered

traces of Umay (Umay, patron of babies, god of

fertility). Uzbeks also have many idioms associated

with moles... The poetic depiction of moles in folk

lyrics signifies not just beauty, but is historically

linked to ideas of fertility and fecundity... (Musakulov

A. 2010).

Mythological views related to destiny are evident

in the expressions of the first two verses. If the bride's

beauty and maturity are derived from her eyebrows,

the description of her moles as being 'written'

(typically, moles are round) suggests that her destiny

is already foretold on her forehead. The subsequent

two verses serve to validate these initial assertions. In

other words, it is emphasized, based on a deep-seated

conviction, that the bride may not find contentment in

her new home; she will not rule the state, she will

head the family.

It is apparent that ancient mythological

perspectives and magical beliefs hold significant

importance in 'yor-yor' songs. Numerous domestic

ceremonies, which have become ingrained traditions

in people's lives, were also conducted during the

weddings of the Kazakh people. The scholarly

sources of V.V.Radlov provide ample information

about this. Radlov highlights the abundance of

lyrically inclined works among the Kazakhs and

analyses the ceremonial songs performed at

weddings.

It's evident that the process of escorting the bride

from her birthplace, her father's house, to the

bridegroom's house, accompanied by song, is

identical amongst Uzbeks and Kazakhs. The

conclusion of the songs with the refrain “Yor-Yor” or

“Jar-Jar”, the occasional extension of lines to

harmonise with the song's content, the emergence of

sayings during the performance, and a primary focus

on the bride's emotions and aspects relating to her

future life, could all form the basis for comparison.

The bride is consoled with the notion that, even

though she is departing from her parents, siblings, and

other relatives, she will find a new father, a new

mother, and new relatives in the bridegroom's house.

The retort given is that, no matter how kind the

new parents and relatives are, they cannot replace her

own parents and the kin to whom she was born. The

grief of the bride's separation forms the main content

of these songs.

Above, we analysed the bride's response in the

Kazakh “jar-jar”. In Uzbek “yor-yor”, the houses (or

door-yards, signifying homes) of the father and

father-in-law are compared.

3 DISCUSSION AND RESULTS

Rituals took place before the wedding, during the

wedding, and after the wedding, and each ceremony

held its own position and significance. When the

bride leaves her yard to journey to the groom’s yard,

one of her friends informs the groom's parents about

Comparative Typological Analysis of Uzbek and Kazakh Yor-Yor Songs

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the bride by requesting water (“шүyinшi сұrap”). The

groom then goes to meet the bride. Upon the bride's

arrival at the groom's farm, all the neighbouring

houses come to express their well wishes: "Bless the

bride" and "May the children be happy”.Following

this, a blessing is given, an animal (usually cattle) is

slaughtered, and the wedding commences with the

song “Toʻy boshlar” (The Wedding Begins). Another

young bride greets the bride with a gift - a feather

from the tray on which the blessing is recited

(amongst Turkic peoples, the interpretation of a bird

and feather is related to the fertility cult). Here, the

yor-yor song is sung with the consent of the wedding

guests. Initially, the jar-jar song is performed by two

groups. The groom’s side sings in an upbeat mood,

while the women on the bride's side put on more

melancholic performances. While the young men hint

at the bright future of the bride, the women's

performance conveys worry for the bride's new life.

This is sung in the jar-jar style.

In the speech, the sorrow of the girl leaving her

father's house for a new home is poetically

represented by the word "black", and the words of the

young men accentuate the bride's grief. It is not

surprising that the bride, with her pale face, brings

along a “mirror”, a symbol of light and an expression

of new life, new happiness, and a new threshold.

Symbolic expressions related to colours are uniquely

portrayed in both Uzbek and Kazakh yor-yors.

Scientist A. Musakulov, who studied the historical

foundations of ritual songs, emphasises the magical

significance of items such as veils, mirrors, chimildiq,

and spoons found in songs, in addition to analysing

the purpose of colour symbolism in yor-yor

(Musakulov A. 1995).

The parallel appearance of the words chimildiq,

dasta spoon, golden lover, khinor, and amulet in the

sample proves the creativity of the people and their

belief in the magical means of protection (chimildiq,

amulet) to safeguard the bride and groom as they

embark on their new life. Chimildiq is a ritual item

made for the magical protection of the bride and

groom, for their happiness and procreation. Maple is

a symbol of long life; maple-like height is a symbol

of beauty. The act of creating a charm to protect a

beautiful bride from the evil eye certainly supports

the belief in the magic of the eye. The existence of

such beliefs in the ceremonies of the Turkic peoples

is inseparable from worldviews in different everyday

life.

The young man’s strength and readiness to start a

family are represented by the image of a “horse”. In

the song, the horse's image is combined with the

neighing of a mare on a mountain (the mountain

represents power, it is the dwelling place of spirits,

and the area from where news of destiny originates),

and it is compared to a young man who has reached

adulthood. It's as if the groom's friend senses the

bride-to-be's wishes and communicates them to her.

Folklorist M. Joraev analyses the image of the horse

in his article “Traces of the Ola Horse Cult in the

Uzbek Epic” (Joraev M. 1996).

According to folk tradition, a horse's restlessness

is not considered a good omen. Its unsettled

whinnying often signals an impending tragedy. As

can be seen through analysis, the spiritual experiences

of the people are portrayed with wisdom in these

performances. There's joy on one side, and sadness on

the other. The originality of expression also ties back

to ancient beliefs.

In the folklore history of Turkic peoples, the horse

cult held a significant place, and remnants of it are

still preserved in our everyday life to this day

(Musakulov A. 2010). Folklore scholars M. Joraev,

A. Musakulov, A. Tilavov, and M. Rozieva have

conducted scientific research related to the image of

the horse and the horse cult within various folklore

genres. The presence of the horse's image in lyrical

songs and their unique folk expression require

thorough analysis. In Kazakh wedding ceremonies,

the bride is brought to the groom's house on a horse,

its mouth tied with a white cloth. In this process, the

mythological traces associated with the horse and its

role in the ritual are evident.

4 CONCLUSION

People's unique traditions and customs are evident in

folk songs. In the above verses, the practices related

to the everyday life of the Kazakh people can be seen.

Among the Kazakhs, marriage itself had two different

forms. The first is the wedding ceremony, which is

conducted according to the betrothal method,

followed by the bride's "assignment", "wedding" or

"bride-taking" ceremony. The second form of

marriage arises due to certain circumstances, known

as "қашып кету".

In general, yor-yors, considered to be the most

unique genre of ritual songs, hold an incomparable

place in the oral creativity of Turkic peoples.

Identifying commonalities and specificities in the

process of comparative analysis, evaluating

adequately based on scientific conclusions, and

studying traditions from different perspectives

requires comprehensive research from today's

folklorists.

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