Technology-enabled Bullying & Adolescent Non-reporting
Breaking the Silence
Justin Connolly
1
and Regina Connolly
2
1
Dublin City University, Dublin 9, Dublin, Ireland
2
Dublin City University, Business School, Dublin 9, Dublin, Ireland
Keywords: Information and Communication Technologies, Technology-enabled Bullying, Cyberbullying.
Abstract: Although early research has pointed to the fact that the successful intervention and resolution of
cyberbullying incidents is to a large degree dependent on such incidents being reported to an adult
caregiver, the literature consistently shows that adolescents who have been bullied tend not to inform others
of their experiences. However, the reasons underlying reluctance to seek adult intervention remain
undetermined. Understanding the factors that influence adolescent resistance will assist caregivers, teachers
and those involved in the formulation of school anti-bullying policies in their attempts to counter the
cyberbullying phenomenonre should be a space before of 12-point and after of 30-point.
1 INTRODUCTION
The problem of adolescent bullying has evolved in
tandem with the digitization of society. Bullying is
a problem that transcends social boundaries and can
result in devastating psychological and emotional
trauma including low self-esteem, poor academic
performance, depression, and, in some cases,
violence and suicide. In its traditional context, it has
been described as being characterized by the
following three criteria: (1) It is aggressive behavior
or intentional 'harm doing' (2) which is carried out
repeatedly and over time (3) in an interpersonal
relationship characterized by an imbalance of power.
One might add that the bullying behavior often
occurs without apparent provocation," and "negative
actions can be carried out by physical contact, by
words, or in other ways, such as making faces or
mean gestures, and intentional exclusion from a
group (Olweus 1999, pp.10-11).
Cyberbullying, which is bullying conducted
through the medium of electronic communication
tools (such as email, mobile phone, social
networking sites, Personal Digital Assistants, instant
messaging tools and the World Wide Web) has been
defined by Willard (2007) as ‘… being cruel to
others by sending or posting harmful material or
engaging in other forms of social cruelty using the
Internet or other digital technologies, such as cell
phones. Young people may be the target of
cyberbullying from others or may engage in such
harmful behavior. Direct cyberbullying involves
repeatedly sending offensive messages. More
indirect forms of cyberbullying include
disseminating denigrating materials or sensitive
personal information or impersonating someone to
cause harm (p.10).’
As can be seen from the above definitions, there
are important distinctions between cyberbullying
and bullying. The first distinction relates to the
nature of the bullying. Traditional forms of bullying
are usually direct and bullies are visible, while
cyberbullying can be anonymous and bullies in
cyberspace do not have to be physically stronger or
bigger than cyber-victims. Second, bullying occurs
often at a particular time and place, whereas
cyberbullying can happen anytime, anywhere
including in the home. Third, cyberbullying can
spread exponentially faster (e.g. copy and paste a
message and send it around the world) than
traditional forms of bullying. Fourth, cyberbullying
can be preserved easily (such as saving messages on
a phone, memory stick, disk, etc). Fifth, bullies
usually have poor relationships with teachers but it
has been noted that cyberbullies can have good
relationship with teachers (Ybarra & Mitchell,
2004). Finally, on the one hand, bullying commonly
happens on school property; cyberbullying, on the
other hand, frequently occurs outside school
property which makes identifying and combating
such behaviour much more difficult.
381
Connolly J. and Connolly R..
Technology-enabled Bullying & Adolescent Non-reporting - Breaking the Silence.
DOI: 10.5220/0004943903810386
In Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Web Information Systems and Technologies (WEBIST-2014), pages 381-386
ISBN: 978-989-758-023-9
Copyright
c
2014 SCITEPRESS (Science and Technology Publications, Lda.)
2 NON-REPORTING
Although even early research in this field (e.g.
Olweus, 1993) has pointed to the fact that the
successful intervention and resolution of bullying
incidents is to a large degree dependent on such
incidents being reported to an adult caregiver, the
extant literature consistently shows that adolescents
who have been bullied tend not to inform others of
their experiences (e.g. Petrosino et al., 2010; Black,
Weinles and Washington, 2010; Mishna and
Alaggio, 2005; Naylor and Cowie, 1999; Charach,
Pepler and Ziegler, 1995). For example, Ybarra et al
(2006) found that 33% of victims of cyberbullying
in their study did not tell anyone about the incident.
More recent work by Petrosino et al. (2010) is of
particular importance given that their data collection
involved a nationally representative sample from
American schools and was based on figures from the
National Crime Victimization Survey School Crime
Supplement (2007), which showed that 64% of
adolescents between the age of 12 and 18 did not
report their experience.
Smith, et al.’s (2006) study of 92 students across
the UK found that almost one-third of students who
acknowledged being targetted by cyberbullies chose
not to speak about their experience when it
happened. This figure is close to the findings of the
NCH (2005) study, which revealed that 28% of
those targetted by cyberbullies chose to remain silent
rather than seek help in resolving the problem.
Slonje and Smith (2008) state: ‘Cybervictims most
often chose to either tell their friends or no one at all
about the cyberbullying, so adults may not be aware
of cyberbullying’ (p.147).
Compounding the problem is the fact that
variation appears to exist between cultures. For
example, a cross-cultural comparative study by Li
(2008) showed that 9% of Canadian students
reported their cyberbully experience to adults and
less than one-fifth of those aware of a cyberbullying
incident reported the issue to an adult. In
comparison, 66% of Chinese students who
experienced cyberbullying informed an adult and
60% of ‘bystanders’ reported the phenomenon to an
adult (p.7). The reason for this significant difference
in reporting behaviours between both countries and
cultures may result from a combination of
sociological and philosophical reasons deeply
ingrained in the respective cultures.
3 RESEARCH INSIGHTS
Despite the fact that many studies have found that
adolescents do not report their bullying or
cyberbullying experiences, there is a dearth of
empirical work examining the reasons for same.
Two studies deserve particular mention. The first is
a quantitative study by Holfeld and Grabe (2012),
which replicated earlier descriptive research on the
prevalence of cyberbullying and examined why
students do not report cyberbullying. Using a
sample of 383 students from four middle schools in
a North American city (with average student age of
13.5 years), and using a subset of self developed
measures to capture non-reporting (4 questions in
relation to own experience and 3 questions in
relation to reporting of peer experiences) , they
found that 16% of students reported being
cyberbullied in the previous year and of those 62%
were cyberbullied at least once or twice in the last
30 days. Only 11% of students reported
cyberbullying others at least once in their lifetime
and 9% in the last year. Cell phone cyberbullying
was the method used most frequently. As a key
point of that study concerns the reporting aspects of
cyberbullying, the findings show that almost 30% of
students who were cyberbullied in the past year did
not report the incident. When asked to explain their
reporting behaviour, 57% of the responses
comprised they didn’t feel it was a big deal or they
felt they could handle it on their own. 29% of
students considered that reporting would make it
worse or were scared to tell. Whilst this study
provides an empirical attempt to understand the
issue of non-reporting in more depth, Holfeld and
Grabe’s work is limited in the sense that the number
of questions used to capture non-reporting comprises
a small number of self developed measures that are
not validated or tested for reliability and the study
was purely quantitative in nature and not followed
up by in depth exploration of the issue. It is likely
that our understanding of the factors that influence
adolescent non-reporting would benefit from a
triangulated approach to data collection.
A second study that has sought to bring greater
clarity to this issue is that of De Lara (2012). Using
a qualitative approach, she studied the non-reporting
problem in four schools (two rural and two urban) in
the New York region. The sample comprised twelve
focus groups (3 in each school, comprising 97
students) and 51 individual interviews (with some
cross-participation between students being involved
in both focus group and individual interview) of
which 52% were female and 48% male adolescents.
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A significant finding of the research is that the
reasons for non-reporting appear to be multifactorial
with the results indicating that the adolescents in this
sample did not report their experiences due to the
ubiquitous nature of bullying; a sense of
helplessness; concerns over inappropriate adult
action; self-reliance; shame; parental omniscience;
and a different definition of bullying than adults use
(De Lara, 2012: 288).
Interestingly, students in the research considered
bullying to be the norm or something to be expected
whilst witnesses to such behaviour also perceived it
as a normal rite of passage in school. They were
despondent about the potential for successful adult
intervention, as they feared that parental intervention
could make things worse or, at the other extreme,
that adults would not take the concern seriously
enough. It was of particular concern that some
reported being told by teachers to deal with the
problem themselves – an obvious flaw in the duty of
care by individual teaching staff. When adolescents
seek help from an adult and the bullying continues
unabated despite reporting the issue, the research
shows that they are likely to withdraw from
communicating the issue further to the adult
caregiver (DeLara, 2008; Garbarino & DeLara,
2002). This confirms the findings of Petrosino et al.
(2010) and Pepler et al. (2008) whose research
shows that between 40-65% of adolescents never
report their experience of bullying to an adult.
An indirect finding of DeLara’s work that may
also provide insight as to the reasons for non-
reporting relates to the interpretive difference that
adolescents and adults attribute to the term
“bullying”. For example, she found that many of the
students in her sample, when asked to define
bullying, described it as: ‘when someone is mean to
me’ [italics mine]. However, ‘mean’ behaviour – is
not reflected in current descriptions of bullying in
the literature. This difference in interpretation was
previously highlighted by Smith, Cowie, Olaffson,
and Liefooge (2002) who found that adolescent
perception of what constitutes bullying could differ
remarkably from that of adults. For example, a
student experiencing sexual harassment may not be
aware that they are being bullied. It follows,
therefore, that if students’ understanding of bullying
differs from adult understanding, the chances of
reporting and intervening in such bullying behavior
are reduced. This is of significance in implementing
anti-bullying policies, educating students as to what
constitutes ‘bullying’ and thereby encouraging them
to come forward to relate their experiences to a
significant caregiver.
Whilst the work of De Lara (2012) is valuable in
that it represents an attempt to examine the issue of
non-reporting, it was limited to four schools (2 urban
and 2 rural) within the New York region, the sample
was small and therefore the generalisability of its
findings remain uncertain. It is possible that local
and cultural factors may have impacted the reasons
for non-reporting behaviour. However, whether this
is the case can only be determined by additional
research on this issue in other and broader contexts.
Further study in an Irish context would be
particularly valuable not only in providing insight
into this issue in relation to the factors that predict
Irish adolescent non-reporting, but also as a
comparative measure to establish the culture
independence of these factors.
4 THE IRISH CONTEXT
Despite awareness of a considerable number of
adolescent deaths in Ireland that have been related to
cyberbullying (most notably Lara Burns, Erin
Gallagher, Ciara Pugsley and Leanne Wolfe),
empirical research on this issue remains remarkably
limited. The death by suicide in America of another
Irish adolescent, Phoebe Prince, brought worldwide
attention to the gravity of the problem but the factors
linking cyberbullying and death by suicide need
deeper research.
Whilst there is a dearth of empirical research on
cyberbullying in Ireland, concern about this issue is
widespread and would appear to be justified. For
example, a joint Irish Independent and 'Prime Time
Investigates' survey (Irish Independent, 2008) of
students found that approximately 30% of students
have endured all types of bullying at secondary
schools within a 3-month period of 2008. It also
found that 1 in 5 schoolgirls had experienced
cyberbullying as compared to 1 in 8 boys. The
research data provided by the Anti-Bullying
Research and Resource Centre at Trinity College
Dublin in 2008 revealed an unsettling picture of the
growth in online and mobile phone intimidation
among secondary school pupils and showed that
children as young as 12 are being targeted through
mobile phone calls, text messages, e-mails, internet
forums, chat rooms and social networking sites.
Recent research on the prevalence and nature of
cyberbullying was conducted by Cotter and
McGilloway (2011) and comprised a sample of 122
adolescents from two secondary schools in the South
of Ireland. The findings showed that although
cyberbullying within that sample appeared to be less
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prevalent than traditional bullying, the adolescents
concerned considered it to be worse than traditional
bullying, with the exception of email.
Whether individual factors such as age, gender,
ethnicity, family cohesion (unity) or religious belief
influences cyberbullying remains undetermined.
Equally, the influence of situational factors such as
attendance at public or private school on
cyberbullying outcomes has not received adequate
attention. Understanding the influence of these
variables would contribute to parents and educators’
insight into the problem and increase their ability to
address it. (O’Higgins-Norman and Connolly, 2011).
In order to understand the hesitance that predicts
adolescent non-reporting of bullying experiences, it
is important that the views of those who experience
and witness such behaviour should be understood
and factored into any intervention or policy
formulation processes. However as school policies
are directed from government level and
implemented by individual school boards which are
constituted by adults and therefore such policies are
designed and implemented from an adult
perspective. Therefore, in order to effectively
address the problem of bullying, it is imperative that
research on this issue should consider the views of
the adolescents who actually experience the
behaviour. As DeLara (2012) states:
The preponderance of research on bullying tends
to neither include the perceptions of students nor
provide understanding about their reluctance to rely
on adults for intervention. Research has found that
students may not tell adults about bullying
experienced or witnessed despite repeated
encouragement and directives from adults (p.288).
4.1 Irish Non-reporting Behaviour
In Ireland, the issue of non-reporting of
cyberbullying behaviour was initially identified by
O' Moore & Minton (2011) who found that a distinct
contradiction exists between intent and actual
practice in terms of Irish adolescents reporting their
cyberbullying experiences to adults. For example,
they reported that whilst 14.6% of pupils stated that
they would inform an adult at school if they were
cyberbullied, in reality, only 6% of these pupils had
actually reported their cyberbullying experience.
Instead, the found that pupils were over twice as
likely to do nothing at all, five times more likely to
send an angry message back, and five times more
likely to talk to a friend.
Recent research by Cotter and McGilloway
(2011) of 122 adolescents from 2 schools in the
South of Ireland found that one quarter of victims
did not confide in anybody. However, as only 25
respondents answered the question about whether
they would report their experience or not to another
individual, a broader sample of respondents is
needed in order to have confidence that these results
provide an accurate reflection of the general
adolescent response pattern in relation to reporting
cyberbullying.
The recently published HBSC report - 'Irish
Health Behaviour in School-aged Children' (Kelly et
al, 2012) – found that statistically significant
differences exist by gender and age group - with
more boys reporting having being bullied compared
to girls and younger children more likely to report
ever being bullied as compared to older children.
These findings are particularly concerning in light of
consistent evidence that girls tend to suffer more
cyberbullying experiences than boys and that
cyberbullying experiences tend to increase during
adolescence. Whilst valuable in that it highlights
age and gender distinctions regarding the self-
reporting of bullying experiences in general, the
HBSC measurement instrument does not provide the
level of granularity necessary to determine the
factors that are influencing adolescent resistance to
report their cyberbullying experiences. Similarly,
whilst providing evidence of adolescent resistance to
report cyberbullying, O’ Moore and Minton’s (2011)
study does not provide insight as to the causal
reasons for that resistance. The authors speculate
that the explanation for adolescent non-reporting
may be a perception of greater self-efficacy than
teacher efficacy in dealing with online problems or a
lack of confidence in the school’s abilities to deal
with bullying (2011: 40). However, these are
merely speculations, they are not empirically derived
and simply are the interpretation of the authors.
Consequently, neither study progresses our
understanding of the factors underlying Irish
adolescents’ resistance to report cyberbullying
experiences, nor provide insight as to whether
individual or situational characteristics influence that
resistance.
As previously noted, adolescent resistance to
reporting is equally prevalent in the traditional (face-
to-face) bullying context with evidence (Smith and
Shu, 2000; Whitney and Smith, 1993) to show that
30-50% of pupils do not inform a parent or teacher
that they had been a target of bullies. The influence
of age on reporting behaviour is evident in Rigby
and Slee’s (1993) study which found that whilst
approximately half of Australian students aged
between 8 and 12 stated that they would like help
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prevent others being bullied, as they increased in
age, they became more reluctant to confide in or
seek seeking adult intervention. However, the
reasons underlying adolescents’ reluctance to seek
adult intervention or discuss the bullying
experiences remain undetermined. Similarly, the
degree to which gender, age or other variables apply
in the case of Irish adolescents’ resistance to report
cyberbullying experiences has yet to be established.
5 CONCLUSIONS
The literature on cyberbullying is embryonic and as
a consequence many deficits exist in relation to our
understanding of the phenomenon. A growing body
of evidence points to the fact that many adolescents
who have been the target of cyberbullying behaviour
choose to confide in peers rather than adult
caregivers or teachers, despite having previously
stated their intention to inform the latter should they
themselves become the target of such behaviour. As
a result, this behaviour remains unchecked and its
impact unaddressed. The literature provides
evidence that this chasm between reporting intention
and actual behavioral outcome is consistent
regardless of national differences. Despite this fact,
remarkably little attention has been paid to
understanding the factors underlying this resistance
and the ensuring silence on the part of adolescents
regarding their experiences of cyberbullying. Such
insights are necessary if parents, teachers and those
involved in the formulation of anti-bullying school
policies are to be successful in their attempts to
counter and eliminate cyberbullying behaviour.
Research on the factors underlying adolescent
resistance-to-report is therefore urgently mandated.
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