The Semantics of Kinship Terminologies of Baduy, Indonesia
Abdulkhaleq Al-Rawafi, Eri Kurniawan, Chye Retty Isnendes
Linguistic Department, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia
{rawafi2013, erikurn}@gmail.com, retty.isnendes@upi.edu
Keywords: Kinship system, kinship terminologies, Indonesian culture, Indonesian Baduy.
Abstract: From the sociolinguistic and anthropological linguistics’ perspective, it has been claimed that every country,
region, society, and people has its/their own culture, tradition, and roles. These factors are systems. One of
these systems is the Indonesian kinship system and structure of the Indonesian culture. This is a descriptive
anthropological linguistic study aims to revel explicitly the semantic factors of the kinship terminologies of
the Indonesian Baduy using the interview and observation techniques for obtaining the data. Hence, the data
has been collected in the field, the study follows the steps recommended by the field linguistic research,
namely recording the data, decoding the data, transcribing the data, analyzing the data, and writing the results.
The study reveals that the kinship system is linearly structured and has terms that indicate the generation
systematic structure. Semantically, there are two factors have been identified from the analysis of the data
obtained from the field. One of these factors is regarding the generation system where each kinship term refers
to a specific generation with a notable exception in the UP system in which there is a kinship term stands for
three generations respectively. The other factor is regarding the kinship terms that refers to the ‘sex’ kinship
terminologies in which one term stands for both masculine and feminine.
1 INTRODUCTION
Baduy community in Indonesia consists of two
groups, namely Inner Baduy and Outer Baduy, for
more read (Iskandar and Ellen, 2000: 1-17). Interior
or Inner Baduy community in Indonesia has their
own culture, tradition, and roles. They are categorized
as the strictest community among other Baduy
communities. One of these traditions is the system of
kinship terminologies, the main area of this paper.
Research on Baduy kinship, generally, has identified
that the system of kin terms in Baduy does not follow
the Universal system by van Woudon known as ‘a
symmetric connumbium’, ‘double descent’, and
‘cross-cousins marriage’, but follows the isolation of
Baduy community themselves. For example, Prawiro
writes that ‘there is special characteristic for Suka
Baduy that resistance between brother and sister and
location and marriage tradition plays a major role in
shaping kin relations between Baduy’, (Prawiro,
2016: 163:170). In line with what have just
mentioned, the entire Baduy community stated that
the entire area of Baduy Village is Tangtu Teulu Jaro
Tujuh; the entire population in the Baduy Kanekes
region is a relative who came from one ancestor
called Moyang.
Tangtu Teulu Jaro Tujuh, means that the system
of kinship traces back to what is called Batara; a
family branch of the mother Moyang. Batara and
location of marriage plays a basic role of the system
of kin of Baduy. In other words, three villages
constitute the tangtu teulu jaro Tujuh, namely tangtu,
Panamping, and pajaroan villages. Meaning that, all
the Baduy inhabitants in kanekes constitute one kin
that belongs to one woman named moyang. Mother
moyang had two branches, namely Batara Cikal and
Batara Patanjala. Batara Cikal ended with no
generations whereas Batara Patanjala produced what
is called ‘Third Batara,’ which consists of seven
generations, namely Daleum janggala, Lagondi,
Putih Seda Hurip, Cinagke, Sorana, Hujung Galuh,
and Batara Bungsu. In addition, based on the
location, Baduy constitute three levels of
communities, namely the interior Baduy, the external
Baduy, and the Baduy Dangka (Prawiro, 2016: 163-
164). This paper focuses only on one of these
communities that is the Inner Baduy or Baduy Dalam
(Indonesian Language) or in Urang Tangtu (Baduy
language).
One of the hidden cultural uniqueness that has to
be understood through the study of anthropological
linguistics is concerning with the system of kinship
Al-Rawafi, A., Kurniawan, E. and Isnendes, R.
The Semantics of Kinship Terminologies of Baduy, Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education (ICSE 2017) - Volume 1, pages 5-11
ISBN: 978-989-758-316-2
Copyright © 2018 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
5
terminologies. The study of kinship terminologies is
one of the keenest and most sustained interest topic
within the anthropological linguistics, within it,
semantics is the domain in which cognitive
anthropologist like to demonstrate (Borges, 2013;
Lounsbury, 1959; Gelaye, 1998; Wallace and Atkins,
1960). The analysis of kinship has been studied from
two perspectives, namely Universalist and relativist.
Anthropological linguistics used to recommend the
Universalist domain in analyzing kin terminologies in
any culture. Their claim is that the kinship relative in
the society being derived from a process called
‘extension’ (William A., 1997).
Theoretically, in anthropological linguistics,
kinship has been recommended to be studied and
analyzed through many different domains and
paradigms (William A., 1997; Duranti, 1997) and
(Read, 2007). For example, the general system of
kinship (Lounsbury, 1959; Gelaye, 1998; Koenig and
Michelson, 2010; PAVEL, 2011; Nainggolan, 2014;
Wilson, 2013), surnames (Borges, 2013), adapted
children and fictive kinship (Howell, 2009), and
suckling kinship (ELGuind and al-Othman, 2013).
Besides, towards a new theoretical perspective of
kinship terminology, Read (2007) developed a new
paradigm for developing a typology of kinship
‘terminologies based on differences in the structural
equations and generating terms from which a
terminology may be generated’. The new paradigm
identifies ‘the place of kinship terminologies in social
and cultural systems’. The most influence theoretical
perspective in the history of kinship studies has been
conducted by Schneider’s (1968-1980) who has
studied American kinship as a cultural system, who
argues that ‘kinship is the blood relationship, the fact
of shared biogenetic substances’ (Schneider, 1968:
107).
Empirically, studies of structural analysis of
kinship terms and affinity based on lexicographical
have been found in many studies. Pavel (2011: 25–
47) examines the structure of kinship and affinity
terms in the Mongolian society which is a separate
lexical group applying structural semantics based on
componential analysis in analyzing the data. The
system of kinship is determined by two factors gender
and age “considered by some scholars to have had
originally not kinship but gender/age or status
meanings. In my view, the type of social organization
is the system of gender or age groups or classes. The
point of view that age classes were the primary form
of social organization of the Mongols and, possibly,
of other Altaic peoples actually becomes more and
more widespread” (PAVEL, 2011: 44).
In combination of semantics of kinship
terminologies with the phonological linguistics or
argument structure of kinship terms, Koenig and
Michelson (2010: 169–205) in their ‘intensive’ study
state that kinship terms have both nominal and verbal
properties, and the verbal nature of kinship terms
explains why both arguments of the relation are
morphologically expressed. Although kinship terms
share properties with both verbs and nouns, they also
have a more typical “nominal” function in that they
semantically identify a member of the kinship relation
as referent rather than denote the relation itself (169).
Study by Abbasi, Amer, and Kerstin (2013) on
kinship based on the Islamic rules shows that
consanguineal relations are regarded as more
important than affinal relations based on an opinion
that discriminates between spouse’s relatives and
ego’s relatives in the Iranian culture. Regarding ‘step’
relations, “indicate the (negative) importance or
discomfort of having step parents, uncles or aunts
(Abbasi, Amer and Kerstin, 2013: 18). This is
because there are some factors caused this kind of
relations and considered by some Islamic societies in
modern era as injustice such as “affected by
demographic factors such as polygamy and re-
marriage after the spouse’s death or divorce” (18).
Different topics regarding kinship have been
studied by many researchers in many disciplines such
as suckling and adaption. EL Guind and al-Othman
(2013) state that suckling kinship is a transform and
dynamic system certainly in Qatar kinship. In other
words, the suckling kinship is a feature of the
universal human phenomenon of kinship in the sense
that suckling has a transformative function in kinship
relations, constructs new links, creates new relations,
transforms existing ones, constitutes kin terms,
intensifies and interlocks kin relations, creates incest
taboo, prohibits some relations and creates others.
It can be stated that every language has a finite set
of lexical terms describe everyone in one’s kin group,
and these lexical can be fully analyzed semantically,
e.g. the kin terms of Baduy. Thus, semantically, the
kinship system of the interior Baduy is rich and
complex system and still one of the remaining issues
that has to be analyzed, categorized, and documented
as an academic references for further research.
Therefore, the study will try to find answers to the
following questions: How do the kinship
terminologies of Baduy Indonesia systematically
structured? What are the semantic aspects of kinship
terminologies of Baduy, Indonesia?
ICSE 2017 - 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education
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2 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
AND DATA COLLECTION
The study is a qualitative descriptive method. The
subjects in this study are 10 Inner Baduy people, and
because it is forbidden for the researcher to enter to
Inner Baduy residence, they have been invited by the
researcher to meet in a place in Outer Baduy for
interviewing and recording the data. The process of
data collection consists of two main techniques. First,
the researchers conducted observation and interview
a daylong by interaction directly (face-to-face) with
the informants mainly Ayah Murshid, (55) and Ayah
Karmain (50) regarding the kinship system of Inner
Baduy. Many questions have been asked to the
informants regarding the kinship terminologies such
as how do you call your father, mother, son, daughter,
siblings, etc. In order to document the data for further
use, the researcher used the modern digital recording
tools, e.g. Sonny Voice Recorders. Second, after the
data being collected, they are transcribed, decoded,
and classified according to the theoretical perspective
of kinship terminologies such as (William A., 1997;
Read, 2007), but many more of the analysis follow
Gelaye’s analyzing system (1998). The analyzed data
aims to reveal one of the hidden cultural and social
properties of the Indonesian Baduy by providing
linguistic evidence. The results of the data may have
a great contribution in the literature of
Anthropological linguistic studies, social psychology,
and language and culture.
3 DATA ANALYSIS
Anthropologists, who are interested in studying
kinship terminologies, have identified two categories
of kinship system (a universal system of kinship
terms), namely consanguineal (relative by blood)
and affinial (relative by marriage). On the other hand,
Linguists have studied these two categories using the
semantic perspective.
3.1 Classification of Kinship
Terminologies of Baduy, Banten
The kinship system of Baduy community is a bilinear
system. Meaning that Baduy follow the lineage
system that is from father and mother, a relative by
blood (a consanguineal system), in addition to a
relative system by marriage (affinal). The study
divides the kin terms into three categories, namely the
semantic of general kinship system, the semantic of
consanguineal system, and the semantic of affinial
system.
The first category shows the general kin terms,
each consists of several lexical kinship terms with
different meanings. The second category presents the
major types of consanguineal system in which the
researcher gave a particular emphasis because it
consists of the main system of the kinship system of
Baduy. The third category presents the affinal
category of kin terms in which there is a
transformation process of lexical terms from blood
relative to affinal relative. The main semantic
questions are what X means for Y, and what Y means
for X.
Table 1: General Kinship Terms.
No
Baduy
English
1.
Lelaki
Male
2.
Bikang
Female
3.
Kolot
Parents
4.
Budak
Children
5.
Ambu-ambu
Old Ladies
6.
Ayah-ayah
Old men
Table 1 above shows six general references have
been identified in the general kinship terms. It can be
said that the general kin terms of Baduy community
in Indonesia follow the universal category of kinship
terms. The fact is that, by looking at the six terms
given in table 1 above, we can conclude that they are
the basic terms for the kinship system and are
(semantically) ‘references’ for sex and generations.
3.1.1 The Up and Down System of
Consanguineal Kinship of Baduy
The first major and general classification is the
system of kinship terms related to the generation
system. The kinship terms of reference in Sunda and
Sundanese culture in general traced up around seven
generations. The seven generations are organized into
two ways, namely backwards and forwards. The
backwards is traced towards parents and forwards
towards children. In line with the semantic
opposition of up and down system, just only two
different lexical concepts (kolot/parents and embah
(Aki dan Nini)/ grandfathers and Anak/son and
Incu/grandchildren) show the different between the
old and young generations. The lexical differences
are shown in table 2 below; ‘X’ represents the word
for ‘generation’.
The Semantics of Kinship Terminologies of Baduy, Indonesia
7
Table 2: Sundanese Kin System.
Keatas
up
7 Kolot
Parents
6 Embah (Aki dan Nini)
Grandfathers
5 Buyut
Great-grand parents
4 Bao
*G-X-G Parents
3 Janggawareng
G-XX-G parents
2 Udeg-udeg
G-XXX-G parents
1 Kakait Siwur
G-XXXX-G parents
Kebawah
Down
1 Anak
son
2 Incu
Grandson
3 Buyut
Great-grand son
4 Bao
*G-X-G son
5 Janggawareng
G-XX-G son
6 Udeg-udeg
G-XXX-G son
7 Kakait Siwur
G-XXXX-G son
One of the main characteristics of the Sundanese
people, in general, is the blood relation and culture
(Isnendes, 2017: 17). The same case can be found in
the consanguineal kinship terms of reference in
Baduy, Banten in which each lexical concept
represents and falls under generation, sex, and
linearity order.
Table 3: Generation System of Baduy Kinship.
Keatas
1. kolot
2. Aki/nini
3. Aki/nini uyut
4. Wang/Wong Atuha
5. Luluhur
6. Luluhur
7. Luluhur
Kebawah
1. Anak
2. Incu/encu
3. Umpi
4. Cenggeh
5. Wareng
6. Ngagagang seureh
7. Ngagagang
eunteung
As stated earlier that the culture and tradition of
Baduy is Sundanese oriented, therefore, some
consanguineal kin terms of the Baduy community are
the same as in the Sundanese; such as the four lexical
basic terms, namely kolot, Aki/Nini, Anak, and
Incu/Encu refers to the same generation (ascend), and
also refers to the same generation (descend)
respectively. In the ascend generation, the lexical
Aki/Nini uyut (literally refers to ‘great-grand parents’
and originated from the Sanskrit word ‘atua’ means
‘old’ in English and ‘tua’ in Indonesian language) and
Wang/Wong Atuha (literally refers to ‘great-great-
grand parents) refer to the third and fourth
generations in the Baduy Kinship system. In addition,
the concept Luluhur (letirally refers to ‘great X…
grand parents’) refers to the fifth, sixth, and seventh
generation in the ascend orientation according to the
informant. In the descend generation, four different
lexical concepts refers to the third, fourth, fifth, and
sixth generation, namely Umpi, Lenggeh, Wareng,
Ngagagang seureuh, and Ngagagang Eunteung.
3.1.2 Kinship Terms of Older Family
Members of Baduy
Semantically and culturally speaking, there are
different lexical terms for the older generations of
Baduy, they are mostly similar with the lexical
terms in the Sundanese language spoken in Urban
areas. E.g. Bandung.
Table 4: Kinship Terms Refers to Older Member of
Relation
Baduy
English
Translation
Relation
*Ayah
father
by blood
Ambu
mother
by blood
Nini
grandmother
by blood
Aki
grandfather
by blood
Aki/Nini
grandparent
by blood
Ua bikang/
teteh
older sister
by blood
Ua lalaki/
Aka
older brother
by blood
Bibi
aunt
by blood
Paman
uncle
by blood
kolot
Parent
by blood
On the consanguineal kinship category, there are
ten lexical kinship terms that refer to the oldest
members in the interior Baduy system of kinship.
They are Ayah, Ambu, Nini, Aki, Aki Lini, Ua
Bikang/Teteh, Ua Lalaki/Aka, Bibi, Paman, and
Kolot.
3.1.3 Kinship Terms of Young Members of
Baduy
Table 5 below presents the kinship terms or lexical of
younger members of the Baduy.
ICSE 2017 - 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education
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Table 5: Kinship Terms Refers to Younger Member of
Relation
Baduy
English
Translation
Relation
Anak bikang
enok
daughter
By blood
Anak lalaki
ongong
son
By blood
Anak bikang
granddaughter
By blood
Anak lalaki
grandson
By blood
Alo
nephew
By blood
Adi bikang
younger sister
By blood
Adi lalaki
younger
brother
By blood
Dulur
Sister
By blood
Dulur
Brother
By blood
*Budak
Children
By blood
In this category, ten kinship terminologies have
been identified and classified into five terminologies,
namely Anak (bikang/lalaki), adi (bikang, lalaki),
alo, dulur, and budak. The first category has the
variation of enok for daughter and ongong for son.
3.1.4 Affinal Kinship (marriage)
Ten kinship terminologies are used by Baduy for
affinal kin relation. The ten kin affinal terms are listed
in table 6 below.
Table 6: Affinal Terms.
Baduy
English Translation
Ambu mitoha
mother-in-law
Ayah mitoha
father-in-law
Alo
nephew
Anak minantu
daughter-in-law ﺔﺟوز
ﺖﻨﺒﻟا جوز /ﻦﺑﻻا
Adi beuteung lalaki
Dulur beuteung
brother-in-law
Dulur misan
Cousin
Batur saimah/batur
sasamak
Husband
Saimah/Batur sasamak
Wife
Adi beuteung
Sister-in-law
Indung tere/bapa tere/
anak tere
Stepmother
By looking carefully at the lexical terms of the
affinal kin terms, it can be concluded that there are
many terms that have been transferred from the
consanguineal relations to the affinal relations. For
example, ambu, ayah, anak, dulur, alo, and adi.
3.1.5 Kinship of Marital Statues and
Friendship
Table 7 shows that there are five lexical of the martial
statues in the Baduy culture. These lexical are related
with the childlessness, engagement, and marriage and
presented in table 7 below.
Table 7: Kinship of Martial Staues.
English Translation
Partner:
a. Have child.
b. Don’t have
child.
Fiancé
Fiancée
Married but no
children
No married
The section above presents the variant
categorizations of the kinship terms in the Baduy
community in Indonesia. The following section
presents the data discussion.
4 DISCUSSION AND SEMANTIC
ANALYSIS OF BADUY
KINSHIP TERMS
This section will discuss the anthropological
semantics of the Baduy kinship terms of address and
reference in short description. In other words, the
section will shed light into the social context in which
Baduy use the different kinship terms. As pointed out
by Murdock "a term of reference is one used to
designate a relative in speaking about him to a third
person" (37). It is thus not part of the relationship
itself but a word denoting a person who occupies a
particular kinship status. Kroeber (38), further added
that it is the social situation including the presence of
third parties that determines in large measure what
term will be used, see (Gelaye, 1998: 82). In this
regard, two dimensions of consanguineal kin terms of
reference have been identified and determined by the
social situation of Baduy, namely generation and sex.
Regarding the consanguineal system, like
Sundanese, Interior Baduy have lexical terms for the
seven generations in the up-down system.
The Semantics of Kinship Terminologies of Baduy, Indonesia
9
In the up generation system, the Baduy have seven
terms, namely kolot, aki/nini, aki/nini uyut,
wang/wong atuha, luluhur, luluhur, and luluhur.
Seven generations are also found in the ‘down’
system, namely anak, incu/encu, umpi, cenggeh,
wareng, ngagogang serwh, and ngagagang eunteung.
In the ‘up’ orientation, the term kolot that refers to
the first-parent-generation refers to the father and
mother, the term aki/nini refers to the second-parent-
generation in which aki refers to a male and nini refers
to a feminine. The term aki/nini uyut refers to the
third-parent-generation for both male and female, the
term wang/wong atuha refers to the fourth generation,
and the term luluhur refers to the fifth, sixth, and
seventh generations. Interestingly, in the ‘up’
orientation, out of the seven terms, there are only four
different terms refer to four different generations and
three similar terms refer to three different
generations. According to our informant that there are
no specific terms for the sixth and seventh generation
so, the lexical term for the fifth generation luluhur is
used instead.
In the ‘down’ orientation, there are different kin
terms indicate different generations, namely anak,
incu/encu, umpi, cenggeh, wareng, ngagagang
seurwh, and ngagagang eunteung. Regarding the
seven terms, unlike the ‘up’ orientation, we can see
that there is no lexical concepts refer to or indicate
‘sex’ but all the kin terms are general terms. In other
words, they refer to both male and female. In
conclusion, it can be said that the up/down system of
Baduy generation is binary and linearly oriented.
There are ten kinship terminologies concerning
the older people in the Baduy family that have been
classified in this study. These kin terms are equal with
the universal kinship system with some difference
regarding the addressee system. For example, in
comparison with the Arabic Baduy and their kinship
system in the Arabic culture, there is a similarities
regarding the lexical terms for father and mother that
are ayah and ambu in Indonesian Baduy. The terms
ayah and ambu are one of the most interesting
linguistic features found in the system of kinship
terms of Baduy with their semantic and pragmatic
use. In Baduy community, the kinship term ayah
(father) and its plural form Ayah-ayah (fathers) can
be substituted for the fathers’ name. For example, if
X is a father of Y (and Y is the oldest child, even if
the child male or female), then the X become ayah-Y
(the father of Y), e.g. ayah Muhammad
(Mohammed’s father). The same thing can be applied
to the term ambu. For example, if X has child Y and
Y is the oldest), people call the mother ambu-Y, e.g.
ambu Muhammad.
In addition to the older kinship terminologies
found in the Baduy culture, there are another ten
kinship terminologies have been identified and
classified into five terminologies regarding younger
relations (by blood), namely Anak (bikang/lalaki), adi
(bikang,lalaki), alo, dulur, and budak. From the
aforementioned categories, there are three semantic
interpretations: the first category has the lexical
variation terms that are enok for daughter and ongong
for son. Regarding these two lexical variations, our
informants confirm that the enok and ongong kinship
lexical terms are widely used in the Baduy system of
kinship. The two lexical refer to daughter and son
respectively. The second category is, alo, (literally
means; nephew) which refers to both female and
masculine; and dulur (literally; sister and brother)
refers to both sister and brother and they use the term
adi bikang/lalaki instead.
The semantic of Affinal kinship terms is another
interesting area in the kinship analysis of the kinship
system of Baduy. As stated earlier that in the affinal
system there is a transformation process from the
relative by blood to the affinal relative. We can state
that there are many kinship lexical terms have been
transferred from the consanguineal relation to the
affinal relation. For example, ambu, ayah, anak,
dulur, alo, and adi. Another semantic factor that can
be noticed from the kinship lexical terms of affinal in
the Baduy is their equivalent translation into the
English. Meaning that, the English concept X-in-law
varies from one term to another. For example, in the
Baduy system of kinship, there are three different
terms for the English X-in-law kin term, namely
mitoha, minantu, beuteung lalaki/dulur beuteung, and
adi beuteung, each of them refers to specific ‘sex’.
In addition to the X-in-law semantic factor, there
is another factor regarding husband and wife. In the
Baduy system of kinship there is only one kinship
lexical term functions, semantically, for both husband
and wife in English that is batur saimah/batur sasama
in which batur (literally means; friend).
The final category is regarding the kinship of marital
statues and friendship. Semantically, the reference
kin term for a friend is batur, literally means partner.
In this regard, the word partner varied in its usage. For
example, if a partner has child then he/she can be
called ambu-ambu, especially for (she) or Ayah-ayah
for (he), literally means mother and father
respectively, but if the partner does not have child
then he/she can be called kumaha manehna, literally
means a friend or a partner. Regarding kinship terms
that refer to sex, the kinship term Bebene/calon refers
to both the Fiancé and the Fiancée. Pangatanten
kolot/ panganten gabung is a kinship term used to
ICSE 2017 - 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education
10
refer to a married man or woman but has no children.
Finally, Aki Sorangan refers to the unmarried manor
woman.
5 CONCLUSION
This paper was about the kinship terminologies and
the kinship system of the Baduy, Indonesia. The
study was decided to answer the following two
questions: how does the kinship terminology of
Baduy Indonesia systematically and semantically
structured. What are the semantic factors of the
kinship terminologies of Baduy, Indonesia.
To answer the first question, the study has found
four semantic categories of the kinship terminologies
used in the Baduy system of kinship, namely general
kinship terminologies, consanguineal kinship
terminologies, affinal terminologies, and
terminologies refer to martial statues. Regarding the
first category, the general kinship, the study has found
that the system is equal to the universal system of
kinship. The second category is lexically consists of
27 kinship terms divided into their subcategories,
namely kinship refers to seven generations ‘Up-
Down’ orientation system, kinship refers to older
relation, and kinship refers to younger relation. The
third category consists of ten affinal kinship terms,
and finally the kinship terms regarding the martial
statues.
Semantically, there are two factors have been
identified from the analysis of the data obtained from
the field. One of these factors is regarding the
generation system in which each kinship term refers
to a specific generation with a notable exception in
the UP system in which there are one kinship term
stands for three generations respectively. Another
factor is regarding the kinship terms that refers to the
‘sex’ kinship terminologies in which one term can
stands for both masculine and feminine. In addition,
culturally, the affinal system of kinship shows that the
English kinship term X-in-law has many varieties in
the Baduy kinship system.
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