or a different accent, remaining up-to-date with the
customers’ popular culture, and generally hiding
their own nationality, are common (Dudley, 2004),
yet evidence suggests that customers are still
dissatisfied with foreign workers’ service (McPhate,
2005). Systematic research exploring customers’
perceptions is lacking, but workers report that
customers can become hostile and abusive as soon
as they realize that the service provider is foreign. In
addition, because call-center work must respond to
customer needs, hours are adjusted to suit customers.
In India, most call-centers operate from late evening
to early morning because of the 5-10 hour difference
between India, Western Europe, and the United
States (Joseph, 2002). Emerging research and media
reports indicate that the odd hours, self-effacing
acculturation strategies, subjection to customer
abuse, and diasporic lifestyle have had characteristic
consequences for call-center employees, but to date,
no reliable, systematic data have been gathered or
analyzed on this increasing practice. Eventually,
these conditions all potentially bear on the quality of
life of call-center workers.
Quality of life is a contested construct, and the
heterogeneity of Indian society complicates
developing a definition. Moreover, the unique
conditions of call-center work also challenge the
useful application of existing definitions, as
demonstrated by a survey on the industry in North
America (Batt, et al., 2003). Some researchers have
focused on emotional exhaustion as a key factor in
call-center workers’ quality of life (e.g., Deery, et
al., 2002). Media reports about call-center
employees in India also address the emotional
component, which, in the Indian scenario, is related
to family, religion, language, gender, loss of
indigenous culture, and the influence of the West on
Indian culture. This project will base its definition of
quality of life on these constructs and develop the
focus-group protocol and the questionnaire on this
definition.
While several studies have dealt with the
economic impact (e.g., Grossman and Helpman,
2003; Hummel, et al. 1998) of call centers, few have
sought to systematically measure and to understand
their other impacts discussed earlier which is vital to
making effective recommendations for worker well-
being. To begin that process, the various
components and extent of the problem must be
measured by placing them within a conceptual
framework that would have sufficient heuristic value
to address some of the issues that are being faced by
call center employees and could be faced in the
future.
The conceptual framework of the study
described here is derived by looking at the call-
center work experience through the lens of diaspora
studies. There are many important and striking
similarities between the experiences of the
traditionally diasporic and those working in call-
centers. Typically, the diasporic condition has been
considered to be a political, social and cultural issue
and the scholarship has considered the diasporic
condition from the perspectives of race, oppression,
otherness and similar concerns. In the case of the
call-center employees the research has focused on
the issue from economic and psychiatric
perspectives because a key component of diaspora –
movement from one place to another – is absent in
the case of the call-center workers. In this study it is
argued that people now live in a technological
environment where experiences that mimic the
diasporic condition can be produced in the absence
of physical movement. Assuming that a core
component of the diasporic condition is the crisis
related to culture where the individual has to be able
to adopt a new culture either by completely
relinquishing another or by striking a balance
between two, it is surely possible that such situations
can arise in the new spaces call-center workers dwell
in. Eventually this condition leads to having to
negotiate a new identity when experiencing
electronic diaspora (e-diaspora). In the case of e-
diaspora that identity negotiation is only temporary
since the e-diasporic experience is not all
encompassing. The e-diasporic experience is an
incomplete process because the interaction, and all
the cultural baggage of the interaction, is interrupted
the moment the person is off the phone and has
walked out from the Westernized environment of the
call-center into the early morning streets of
Bangalore. In some ways this results in the e-
diasporic having to shape themselves and their
environments in different ways so the duality of
their existence can be managed. This is a much
greater challenge for the e-diasporic because their
lived experience remains very foreign from their e-
diasporic work place. The very fact that their most
busy time of work is at an unusual time poses some
interesting challenges. For those who move from
one country to another and thus experience the
diasporic condition, the quality of life is related to
the rhythm of life in the country they are in. For the
call-center worker living in e-diaspora the
experience is markedly different as noted here: “It is
10.45pm, and in the dark streets outside preparations
are being made for Diwali, the Hindu festival of
light, but EXL works to English rhythms and even
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