“Smoking Does Not Make You Happy”
Unlearning Smoking Habits Through Mobile Applications on Android OS
Răzvan Rughiniș
1
, Ștefania Matei
2
and Cosima Rughiniș
2
1
Department of Computer Science, University Politehnica of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania
2
Department of Sociology, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania
Keywords: Smoking Cessation, Android Applications, Quitting Advice, User Profile.
Abstract: We analyze in-depth five smoking cessation apps on Android OS, examining how they teach users to quit
smoking and what they learn from users. Apps advise would-be ex-smokers how to perceive the world, how
to deal with their emotions, and how to act on their bodies and environment. Still, they learn little from their
users, and even less from the scientific literature on smoking cessation. We discuss the potential for
improved customization of advice to users’ profiles and we propose a simple inventory of online scientific
resources as a starting point for developers looking to create better apps.
1 INTRODUCTION
There has been a recent increase in the use of
technologies for smoking cessation interventions.
Online programs and sites assist people who want to
quit smoking (Quit Net, Smoke Free, Make Smoking
History, Verizon Health Zone, Dit Digitale
Stopprogram etc.). SMS Services of support and
counseling (Guerrilla Interactive SMS Service,
MiQuit, Mobily Naqa, etc.) send messages tailored
to the situation of the recipient, giving advice and
encouragement.
A current advancement consists in mobile
applications designed to help people unlearn their
smoking habits, and learn a new identity with its
associated routines: the ex-smoker. They are
available on multiple platforms and mobile
operating systems (iPhone, Android, Windows 8
etc.), being released by a variety of actors, such as
independent developers, software development
companies, non-profit organizations for public
health, or public institutions.
Smoking cessation applications are, essentially,
attempts at 1) unlearning through re-interpretation of
smoking, and 2) assembling a new set of daily life
routines to support the transition to a new identity.
Their first challenge is to encourage users to reframe
smoking from a positively charged behavior
(understood in terms of prestige in group, belonging
to a group or social class, sign of capital assets,
personal and psychological relief etc.) to a damaging
action (as regards risks for self and others of
premature death, disability, low fitness and degraded
beauty; financial costs; low environmental comfort
etc.). Their second challenge is to support users
through withdrawal symptoms and craving
moments, thus avoiding a relapse.
This paper reports a case study consisting of
in-depth, qualitative analysis of five smoking
cessation applications on Android OS. We focus on
communication with users, addressing the following
questions: What do apps teach users? What do apps
learn from users? What evidence-based resources
are available for developers to improve the fit
between users’ profiles and app messages?
2 SMOKING CESSATION APPS
The market of smoking-related applications contains
both pro-smoking software (promoting tobacco
products and smoking) and anti-smoking
applications (framing tobacco consumption as
negative). Even if there are some
smoking-supporting applications (e.g. smoking
simulators) which claim to help people quit, and
could possibly be of assistance in some instances,
most of the pro-smoking application are designed as
brand advertisements, as wallpapers or widgets, and
as claims to protect the right of smoking enthusiasts
(BinDihm et al., 2012).
A comprehensive review of smoking cessation
371
Rughinis R., Matei S. and Rughinis C..
“Smoking Does Not Make You Happy” - Unlearning Smoking Habits Through Mobile Applications on Android OS.
DOI: 10.5220/0004836303710378
In Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Computer Supported Education (CSEDU-2014), pages 371-378
ISBN: 978-989-758-021-5
Copyright
c
2014 SCITEPRESS (Science and Technology Publications, Lda.)
applications for mobile phones show that most
quitting applications do not adhere to key medical
guidelines: “Few, if any, apps recommended or
linked the user to proven treatments such as
pharmacotherapy, counseling, and/or a quit line”
(Abroms et al., 2011). The applications propose
what we can term a “lone rider” model of the user: a
heroic vision of quitting unassisted by medicine or
professionals. A similar conclusion is advanced by a
review of alcohol quitting apps (Cohn et al., 2011).
We start from this observation and we examine
in-depth advice and tips offered by five smoking
cessation apps which are, in our evaluation, typical
for apps that are based on a combination of
quantification, gamification, community, and textual
communication, the most frequent type on the
Google Play market. We then discuss our findings
by pointing out missed opportunities for
personalization of advice, and missed opportunities
for learning from the available online scientific
discussion on smoking cessation.
3 DATA AND METHOD
For our case-study we selected for in-depth analysis
five smoking cessation applications on Android: [1]
Stop Smoking (developed by Konrad Müller, last
updated: November 2011), [2] Quit Smoking Coach
(developed by Studios BrainLag, last updated:
August 2013), [3] Kwit - Quit Smoking is a Game
(developed by Geoffrey Kretz and Nicolas Lett, last
updated: August 2013), [4] Stop Smoking Assistant
(“As If” Licence, last updated: September 2012) and
[5] Exsmokers iCoach (developed by Saatchi &
Saatchi Brussels for the European Commission,
April 2013).
Through this selection we cover application
variability in terms of design features (Abroms et
al., 2011): the selected apps illustrate quantified
communication, textual advice and tips, games and
gamification, and community support. We have also
selected for analysis apps among those that include
richer textual messages for users, so that we could
examine their patterns of communication. We have
identified and analyzed a total of 498 pieces of
advice and panic tips provided by these five apps.
We excluded tools that are based on hypnosis or
subliminal messages because depend on strong
assumptions, addressing a specific niche of users.
Based on our previous exploratory survey of
anti-smoking apps, we consider that the five selected
solutions are broadly representative of the available
smoking cessation apps found on Google Play,
integrating the most frequent options available in
this type of work. Our case study serves to illustrate
significant patterns and to open a discussion on the
potential for improving advice for people who
attempt to quit.
4 RESULTS
Smoking cessation applications often propose one or
several frames for the communication with their
users. Some of the most common frames are:
1) Coach or assistant: the application guides the
user through the difficult venture of quitting;
2) Game: the application offers a gameful
environment in which smoking cessation is a
quest, or in which ex-smokers can enjoy games
as rewards for their abstinence;
3) Community: the application facilitates an online
support community of ex-smokers.
Communication between the application and
users mostly occurs in the coach/assistant frame. It is
bi-directional, although the two flows are, as a rule,
clearly separated. Users are required to provide for
the application a profile of their smoking habits,
which are their most important identifier: this
information typically includes the number of
cigarettes smoked per day, time spent while smoking
a cigarette, the number of cigarettes per pack, and
the cost of a pack. Additional information on
smoking inception and type of cigarettes may also
be solicited. Users are also expected to honestly
communicate each cigarette smoked; if the user has
identified herself / himself as an ex-smoker,
reporting a relapse usually resets all indicators and
progress measures to zero. Last but not least, users
are expected to ask for tips in case of cravings and
feelings of panic. In turn, the application provides
two different types of information:
1) A quantitative representation of the user’s
transformation and foreseeable future, with a
focus on health benefits and financial savings
(see app front pages illustrated in Figure 1); this
representation usually include a combination of
numbers and percentages, progress bars and
other charts;
2) Advice, consisting of motivational quotes or
panic tips; some applications also include
motivational graphic images illustrating
smoking-induced damage.
Therefore, apps learn from users, and teach users
how to deal with smoking cessation. As we argue
below, smoking cessation apps do a minimal work in
learning from users, as user information is only
CSEDU2014-6thInternationalConferenceonComputerSupportedEducation
372
[1] Stop Smoking [2] Quit Smoking Coach
[3] Kwit – Quit
Smoking is a Game
[4] Stop Smoking
Assistant
[5] Exsmokers iCoach
Figure 1: The front page of smoking cessation applications.
employed in the quantitative engines that generate
numerical indicators and predictions, with little
relevance for advice and tips.
4.1 Teaching Users
Apps are in charge of assisting users in a transition
from a life structured by smoking routines, to a
smoking-free life, through a period of withdrawal
symptoms and craving. To this purpose, applications
teach users to perceive the world differently, to
manage their emotions and see themselves in a new
way, and to engage in specific behaviors to
minimize risks of relapse. We examine below in
detail how apps teach users to deal with the
experience of smoking cessation on four domains:
perceptions, emotions, bodily actions, and
environmental contexts (Figure 2).
As regards perceptions, there are four teaching
areas:
1) Perceiving the future: users are presented with
information about the distant future, especially
concerning their improved health status in 10 to
20 years; users are also faced with descriptions
of the closer future – a period free of cravings
and dependency, in which the benefits of
cessation are already visible and the costs have
become memories;
2) Perceiving one’s body in time: users are
prompted to consider the gradual transformations
of their bodies, while and after giving up
smoking;
3) Changing one’s perception of cigarettes as
objects of consumption.
4) Managing one’s perception of time, through time
work (Flaherty 2003);
As regards one’s emotions and identity, apps
purport to teach users about:
1) Managing one’s emotions, in a process of
emotion work (Hochschild 1979);
2) Changing one’s definition of oneself, in a
process of identity work (Schwalbe &
Mason-Schrock 1996).
Last but not least, apps also teach users to act on
their body, shaping physical needs and sensations,
and to be aware of one’s context and act on the
material and social environment.
Figure 2: Four domains of app advice for users.
4.1.1 Perceiving the Future
The quantitative representation of users’ progress is
the most important tool for visualizing the future.
Applications take over the role of a ‘magnifying
glass’, compensating for users’ myopia as regards
future risks and benefits. The future is materialized
as: the right end of a progress bar that fills gradually,
the prospect of full recovery from smoking damage
after 15 years of non-smoking, life-years gained
through non-smoking, and through various metrics
that display improved health and life expectancy.
Applications attempt to direct users to mind the
future not only through indicators, progress bars and
charts, but also through advice and panic tips (see
Figure 3; in all Figures presenting application
advice, the source of each quote is indicated in
"SmokingDoesNotMakeYouHappy"-UnlearningSmokingHabitsThroughMobileApplicationsonAndroidOS
373
square brackets, referring the application list from
the Data and Methods section). Users are put in the
situation to foresee their future health, but also their
change of mind and emotions.
Ten years after quitting your lung cancer risk will be
reduced to 50%. [A1]
In a few months, you will no longer think about
smoking. [A1]
When you haven’t smoked for a month or more you
will realize how stupid it was to spend all that money
on an addiction that was literally killing you! NEVER
AGAIN! [A4]
Quitting keeps you young! Research has proven that
smoking affects your body's cells, accelerating the
aging process.[A5]
The most difficult thing is to resist the first few
weeks, and mainly the first days. It will be easier as
time passes. [A3]
Figure 3: Teaching users: Perceiving the future.
4.1.2 Perceiving One’s Body in Time
Users are instructed to attend to gradual
improvements in their bodily well-being. This
learning project is one of the most difficult to
sustain, since it is subject to the possibility of direct
disconfirmation: smokers are expected to experience
all these improvements but, occasionally, it is
possible that they do not occur as planned.
Applications address this vulnerability, at least in
part, by not soliciting users to actually observe their
experiences: instead, the transformations are
formulated as known-facts, in the present tense or
future tense. These statements actually instruct the
user how to perceive her bodily functions. Health
improvements cannot be possibly observed on an
hourly basis – but they can be reflected upon as
such. It is also likely that respiration will not
improve perceivably in three days – but the
improvement that occurs is rendered visible through
the application.
Without smoking your health will increase from hour
to hour. [A1]
Three days after last cigarette the function of your
respiratory system is improving. [A1]
48 hours after the last cigarette smells and tastes are
being experienced more intensively. [A1]
Your teeth, your breath and your skin thank you.
Smoking leads to tooth loss, gives you bad breath
and a shallow complexion. [A3]
Think of your sex life! Smoking influences blood
circulation in the genitals, which can lead to
diminished ability in bed. [A5]
Figure 4: Teaching users: Perceiving one’s body.
While in the previous section we have examined
the applications ‘telescopic’ function for seeing the
future, that compensates for users’ time discounting
(Frederick et al. 2003), this area of advice positions
the application as a ‘microscope’, useful for
revealing users the minute, gradual,
real-but-unobservable changes in their bodies.
4.1.3 Changing Perceptions of Cigarettes
Applications also attempt to change users’
perception of cigarettes themselves as objects of
consumption. These messages are comparatively
rare: we have identified only 4 out of a total of 498
(see Figure 5).
Each cigarette shortens your life expectancy for 8-10
minutes. [A1]
Light cigarettes will not help… you will simply
smoke more of them or inhale deeper to get same
effect. Just don’t smoke. [A4]
Think of the many poisons in a cigarette: ammonia,
acetone, methanol,... still want to light up? [A5]
By panicking, you give the cigarette too much power.
Some perspective: a cigarette is nothing more than
some tobacco wrapped in paper. Nothing special.
[A5]
Figure 5: Teaching users: Perceiving cigarettes.
4.1.4 Changing Perception of Time
Time work refers to people’s actions undertaken to
transform the experience of time – that is, either to
speed it up or slow it down, or modify its rhythms
and flavors (Flaherty 2003). This is particularly
relevant for ex-smokers: applications provide
instructions for managing the objectively short but
subjectively long periods of craving (see Figure 6).
Delay: Craving usually passes quickly. Tell yourself
that you must wait “just 10 more minutes” until
craving passes. [A2]
The urge to smoke is due to the lack of nicotine, it
doesn’t last more than 5 minutes. Stand firm and
drink a big glass of water. [A3]
Figure 6: Teaching users: Time work.
Users are made aware of the temporary and brief
nature of cravings, and they are taught a variety of
actions that could serve to distract attention and
make time pass more quickly.
4.1.5 Emotion Work
Hochschild (1979) introduces the concept of
‘emotion work’ to refer to the actions through which
CSEDU2014-6thInternationalConferenceonComputerSupportedEducation
374
people conform to emotion rules, adjusting their
emotional displays and experiences in accordance
with the situation. Emotion work is a central element
of advice for smoking cessation applications, as
recent ex-smokers are expected to confront many
negative feelings.
The applications use several generic resources: a
focus on the pride of transformation, positive
emotions induced through gratifications, acceptance
of negative emotions, and plain reframing: “smoking
does not make you happy. It is simply very addictive
[A1]” (see Figure 7).
Actually, smoking is no longer fun for you? [A1]
Smoking does not make you happy. It is simply very
addictive [A1]
You will be very proud of yourself as an ex-smoker
[A1]
Buy something nice: It’s ok, you are saving a lot of
money though not smoking. Reward yourself. [A2]
Think positive thoughts about how awesome it is that
you are quitting smoking and getting healthy. Be
patient with yourself. [A3]
Take 5 minutes and mentally review your list of reason
to quit smoking. Remember how you felt when you
decided to quit. [A3]
Be prepared for a rollercoaster ride of emotions:
denial, anger, bargaining, depression, acceptance, and
complacency. These are normal emotions for your
body when going through withdrawal. [A4]
Figure 7: Teaching users: Emotion work.
People adjust quickly to feeling fitter. Remember that
it's the fact you've quit that makes you feel so good.
[A5]
Speak to yourself in a positive manner: 'I'm working
on a healthy future', 'I'm doing well'... convince
yourself to keep going. [A5]
You might sometimes glorify the past and miss
smoking. This is nothing more than the 'rose-tinted
spectacles’ phenomenon! [A5]
The more you fight against difficult moments, the
more intense they feel. The key to success lies in
accepting and letting go. [A5]
Use your wildest imagination to exaggerate this
moment, just like in a dramatic film. You'll soon see
how ridiculous it is. [A5]
Humour helps to put moments of panic into
perspective. Laughter reduces stress. Even
anticipating a laughing fit ('this'll be fun!') can help!
[A5]
Everything has its time, even your panic. Instead of
being afraid of it: observe this feeling, it is something
you can bear.[A5]
Figure 8: Teaching users: Emotion work in finer detail.
Exsmokers iCoach (App 5) differs from the other
applications by engaging emotion work in more
depth: smokers are oriented to observe processes of
emotional adjustment to change, to avoid nostalgia,
to use humor and ‘wild imagination’ to combat
cravings, to observe panic and to actually talk to
themselves - in a clearly observable instance of
emotion work (see Figure 8).
4.1.6 Identity Work
Schwalbe & Mason-Schrock (1996) use the concept
of ‘identity work’ to refer to the discursive actions
through which people create identities for
themselves and for others, by using, modifying, and
creating categories and subcategories adequate to
their interactional interests. We can observe how
applications propose the identity category of
‘ex-smoker’, positioning it in conflict with the
tobacco industry and in contrast with the category of
‘smokers’ (see Figure 9).
Don’t let the government and the tobacco industry
earn even one more cent from you. [A1]
On average, smokers die 7-8 years earlier than
non-smokers. [A1]
Don't be afraid to look ridiculous. The world looks
up to the brave ones, even if they don't succeed at
first.[A5]
This is not buckling under pressure from others! You
stop smoking for yourself. To feel good and to feel
healthy. [A5]
You are no-smoker now, and you are strong enough
to resist the craving to smoke. Believe in yourself.
[A3]
Smokers are comparable to alcoholics and heroin
addicts. You fool yourself, and tell yourself it’s not
that bad an addiction to have. Treat yourself like an
alcoholic and never touch another cigarette again!
[A4]
Don't you choose what you do? As long as you keep
smoking, you're at the mercy of a cigarette. Do you
smoke or are you being smoked? [A5]
Figure 9: Teaching users: Identity work.
The main identity feature of the ex-smoker
identity is its autonomy, in contrast with smokers’
addiction. This autonomy is also marked as freedom
from others, from the government, and from tobacco
companies.
An interesting aspect of identity work in
smoking cessation applications consists in the
proposed differentiation between users and their
‘brains’ (see Figure 10). Following a cognitivist
vocabulary (Coulter 1979), applications instruct
users to consider their brains as agents: thus, it is
brains who learn, feel pleasure, or think – while
"SmokingDoesNotMakeYouHappy"-UnlearningSmokingHabitsThroughMobileApplicationsonAndroidOS
375
users are positioned as observers of these neuronal
processes, gaining freedom from their biological
determination.
Throw away all cigarettes you have. You need to
resist just a little longer. You are still getting used to
non-smoking in certain situations. Your brain is still
learning. [A2]
You can train yourself to enjoy other things than
smoking. Your brain's pleasure centres are currently
overly focused on cigarettes as a source of pleasure.
[A5]
After quitting, your brain will be well supplied with
blood, you will be better at thinking. [A1]
Figure 10: Teaching users: ‘Observe your brain’.
4.1.7 Body Work
Applications commonly advise ex-smokers to
engage in physical exercise and other forms of
physical activity (sauna, brushing one’s teeth,
drinking water, raising sugar levels etc. – see Figure
11).
Instead of smoking, go swimming. [A1]
Get physical: Physical activity reduces craving. Put
on shoes and go running. Do push-ups, knee-bends,
and so on. [A2]
When blood sugar levels drop, cravings can seem
more powerful while you feel less able to manage
them. Eat fruit (apple, grapes, kiwi) or a yogurt to
feel better. [A3]
Craving a cigarette? Brush your teeth and enjoy that
fresh taste. [A3]
Drink cranberry juice, it helps remove the poison
nicotine from your system. [A4]
Self-control issues could be down to a lack of sugar.
To keep yourself in line: eat some fruit or bread. [A5]
Figure 11: Teaching users: Body work.
The autonomy-based identity work presented in
section 4.1.6 explains applications’ reluctance to
direct users towards medical or pharmacological
help. Among the 498 advice messages that we have
analyzed, only one instructs users to “Seek help
from a doctor or pharmacist” [A2]. The second
mention of a doctor serves to enhance autonomy at
the expense of medical authority: “Why are you
considering quitting? The motivation to quit must
come from you. Don't do it to please your family or
your doctor” [A5].
Unlike other solutions, Exsmokers iCoach (App
5) includes a dedicated page with a detailed
presentation of pharmacological alternatives
available for ex-smokers, recommending users to
seek medical help.
4.1.8 Environmental Work
Last but not least, there is substantial advice related
to observing and intervening on one’s material and
social environment. The concept of ‘smoking clues’
refers to situational elements that elicit the need to
smoke. Applications provide some advice to
diminish these contextual clues, and to enhance
material and relational support for the difficult
transition (see Figure 12).
Throw away everything that is associated with
smoking, ashtrays, lighters, cigarettes, … [A1]
Distract yourself: Call somebody. Write a text
message. Go for a walk. Play a game on your phone.
Make a coffee. [A2]
Escape the situation: Go to some other place. Talk to
some other people. Avoid trigger situations [A2]
Keep pictures of loved ones on you. When you will
feel cravings, look at those pictures and think about
all the love you have for these people. [A3]
Where are you right now? This location is probably
strongly associated with smoking. Get away for a bit.
Try to stop smoking in this spot. [A5]
Don't get caught out by events that push you back to
your old habits. You're doing the right thing: keep it
that way! [A5]
Figure 12: Teaching users: Environmental work.
5 LEARNING FROM USERS
As we have discussed above, apps (and app
developers) gather little information from users,
mostly focused on their quantified history and
patterns of smoking. This information serves to
customize the quantified messages that position
users on a short- and long-term trajectory from
heavy health risks to non-smokers’ health risks.
Textual advice is not personalized – with the
exception of App 5 that adjusts messages according
to users’ stage in the process of smoking cessation.
There are two main possible ways of
personalizing communication with the user. On the
one hand, apps could generate a more detailed user
profile, estimating the motives of smoking, the
degree of addiction, and the severity of withdrawal
symptoms, which is associated with the probability
of relapse. These profiles can be constructed using
available online scales, as we discuss in the next
section. On the other hand, apps could ask users to
rate the received advice and tips, and infer a profile
from users’ expressed preferences – that may vary as
regards the domain of action (perceptions, emotions,
body, or environment), tone (more or less focus on
CSEDU2014-6thInternationalConferenceonComputerSupportedEducation
376
fear from smoking damage, more or less acceptance
of guilt, more or less humour) as well as a
preference for shorter or longer messages, or
reflective versus action-oriented tips.
6 LEARNING FROM ONLINE
SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE
Our analysis supports Abroms’ et al. (2011)
conclusion that smoking cessation apps do not
adhere to medical advice: they largely rely on a
common-sense ‘cold-turkey’ model and ignore the
helpful potential of counselling and
pharmacotherapy.
There is no shortage of scientific literature on
smoking and smoking cessation freely available
online. We propose a brief inventory as a guide for
developers in reviewing the literature.
Medical research is useful for understanding the
benefits and often the necessity for nicotine
replacement therapy (Benowitz 2008).
Psychological scales are relevant for better
comprehending the variety in smoking motives,
addiction, and withdrawal symptoms and intensity:
- Scales for assessing the intensity of addiction to
nicotine: the Fagerstrom Test for Nicotine
Dependence (Fagerstorm et al., 1990); The
Cigarette Dependence Scale (Etter et al., 2003);
the Nicotine Dependence Syndrome Scale
(Shiffman et al., 2004); the Autonomy over
Tobacco Scale (Wellman et al., 2011);
- Scales for identifying users’ motives for
smoking: The Wisconsin Inventory of Smoking
Dependence Motives: WISDM 68 (Piper et al.,
2004) and WISDM 37 (Smith et al., 2010);
- Scales for assessing users’ withdrawal: the
Wisconsin Smoking Withdrawal Scale (Welsch
et al., 1999) and the Wisconsin Predicting
Patients’ Relapse Scale (Bolt et al., 2009).
Figure 13: Domains of scientific literature on smoking.
Apps advice does not actually address the functions
of smoking in users’ daily life, as detailed in the
WIDSM scale, for example. Most tips only refer to
cravings and loss of control; some refer to
environmental cues. Taking into account the other
motives for smoking may improve the subjective
relevance of advice.
While social cues feature as a distinctive motive
for smoking in psychological scales, the implicit
social process remains rather abstract. The concrete
social uses of smoking can be better understood
through socio-psychological research that points to
the identity work that smokers achieve through
smoking. Smoking is often important for expressing
one’s gender, class, and age identities (Rugkasa et
al. 2003; Barbeau et al. 2004; Amos & Bostock
2007) – a feature easily visible in smoking adds that
have for long framed the cigarette as a symbol of
masculinity and, respectively, femininity, in
conjunction with age and social class. Apps could
address the usefulness of smoking for gender and
age identity work through their advice,
acknowledging this function and proposing
replacements.
7 CONCLUSIONS
Apps teach users new ways of perceiving the world
and their bodies, of dealing with their emotions, of
acting on their body and environment.
Still, apps learn surprisingly little from users:
user profiles are summarily sketched to serve the
quantification modules of health predictions, and
there is no customization of advice and tips.
There is also little reliance on scientific
literature. Mobile apps propose a user identity based
on the core value of autonomy and the lay theory of
‘cold-turkey’ quitting. Users are represented as ‘lone
riders’, in a difficult quest, assisted only by their
coach – the application, and other peers (family,
friends, networks). This identity project makes
applications reject medical and pharmacological
advice, in contrast with evidence-based
recommendations for smoking cessation. Beyond
medical literature, we propose that psychological
research concerning scales of smoking addiction,
motives, and withdrawal, and socio-psychological
research on identity work through smoking offer
valuable and easily accessible resources for app
developers in order to create rich user profiles,
develop their repertoires of advice, and personalize
tips to users’ preferences and needs.
"SmokingDoesNotMakeYouHappy"-UnlearningSmokingHabitsThroughMobileApplicationsonAndroidOS
377
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This article has been supported by the project
“Sociological imagination and disciplinary
orientation in applied social research”, with the
ANCS/UEFISCDI grant
PN-II-RU-TE-2011-3-0143.
REFERENCES
Abroms, L. et al. 2011. iPhone Apps for Smoking
Cessation: A Content Analysis. American Journal of
Preventive Medicine, 40(3), 279–285.
Amos, A. & Bostock, Y. 2007. Young people, smoking
and gender A qualitative exploration. Health
education research, 22(6), 770–81. http://
her.oxfordjournals.org/content/22/6/770.long.
Barbeau, E. M., Leavy Sperounis, A. & Balbach, E. D.
2004. Smoking, social class, and gender: what can public
health learn from the tobacco industry about disparities in
smoking? Tobacco Control, 13(2), 115–120.
http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/13/2/115.full.
Benowitz, N. L. 2008. Neurobiology of Nicotine
Addiction: Implications for Smoking Cessation
Treatment. The American Journal of Medicine, 121,
3–10.
BinDihm, N., Freeman, B. & Trevana, L. 2012. Pro
smoking apps for smartphones: the latest vehicle for
the tobacco industry? Tobacco Control, 1–7.
Bolt, D.M. et al. 2009. The Wisconsin Predicting Patients’
Relapse questionnaire. Nicotine & Tobacco Research,
11(5), 481–492. http://www.ctri.wisc.edu/Researchers/
WI PREPARE09.pdf.
Cohn, A. et al. 2011. Promoting Behavior Change from
Alcohol Use through Mobile Technology: The Future
of Ecological Momentary Assessment. Alcoholism:
Clinical and Experimental Research, 35(12), 2209–
2215.
Coulter, J. 1979. The Brain as Agent. Human Studies, 2,
335–348.
Etter, J. F., Le Houezec, J. & Perneger, T. 2003. A Self
Administered Questionnaire to Measure Dependence
on Cigarettes: The Cigarette Dependence Scale.
Neuropsychopharmacology, 28, 359–370. http://
knowledgetranslation.ca/sysrev/articles/project21/Ref
ID3219 20090722180832.pdf.
Fagerstorm, K. O., Heatherton, T. F. & Kozlowski, L. T.
1990. Nicotine Addiction and Its Assessment. Ear,
Nose and Throat Journal, 69(11), 763–765.
http://www.dartmouth.edu/~thlab/pubs/90_Fagerstrom
_etal_ENTJ.pdf.
Flaherty, M. G. 2003. Time Work: Customizing Temporal
Experience. Social Psychology Quarterly, 66(1), 17–
33.
Frederick, S., Loewenstein, G. & O’Donoghue, T. 2003.
Time Discounting and Time Preference: A Critical
Review. In G. Loewenstein, D. Read, & R.
Baumeister, eds. Time and Decision: Economic and
Psychological Perspectives on Intertemporal Choice.
Russell Sage Foundation, 13–86.
Hochschild, A. R. 1979. Emotion Work, Feeling Rules,
and Social Structure. American Journal of Sociology,
85(3), 551–575.
Piper, M. E. et al., 2004. A multiple motives approach to
tobacco dependence: The Wisconsin Inventory of
Smoking Dependence Motives (WISDM 68). Journal
of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 72(2), 139–
154. http://www.ctri.wisc.edu/Researchers/
AcceptedWISDMManuscript.pdf.
Rugkasa, J. et al. 2003. Hard boys, attractive girls:
expressions of gender in young people’s conversations
on smoking in Northern Ireland. Health Promotion
International, 18(4), 307–314.
Schwalbe, M. L. & Mason Schrock, D., 1996. Identity
work as group process. Advances in Group Processes,
13, 113–147.
Shiffman, S., Waters, A.J. & Hickcox, M. 2004. The
Nicotine Dependence Syndrome Scale: A
multidimensional measure of nicotine dependence.
Nicotine & Tobacco Research, 6(2), 327–348.
http://www.researchgate.net/profile/Saul_Shiffman2/.
Smith, S. S. et al. 2010. Development of the Brief
Wisconsin Inventory of Smoking Dependence
Motives. Nicotine & Tobacco Research, 12(5), 489–
499. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/
PMC2861888/pdf/ntq032.pdf.
Wellman, R. J. et al. 2011. Psychometric Properties of the
Autonomy over Tobacco Scale in German. European
Addiction Research, 18, 76–82. https://
umassmed.edu/uploadedFiles/fmch/Research/Publicati
ons/Psychometric properties article.pdf.
Welsch, S. K. et al. 1999. Development and Validation of
the Wisconsin Smoking Withdrawal Scale.
Experimental and Clinical Psychopharmacology, 7(4),
354–361. http://www.ctri.wisc.edu/Researchers/
WSWS.pdf.
CSEDU2014-6thInternationalConferenceonComputerSupportedEducation
378