Conservative and Innovative Form of Proto Malay in Malay Asahan
Dwi Wida
y
ati
1
, Gustianin
g
sih
1
, Rosliana Lubis
1
1
Departement of Sastra Indonesia
Faculty of Cultural Science, Universitas Sumatera Utara,
Jl. Universitas No. 19 Kampus USU, Padang Bulan Medan 20155, Indonesia
Keywords: Conservative, Innovative, Vocal, Consonant, Proto Malay, Asahan.
Abstract: This paper aims to describe the innovative and conservative forms of Proto Malay (PM) in Malay Asahan
(BMA) through its reflexes. These forms include vowel and consonant phonemes. The method is a
comparative historical method with the probability theory of language change. From the analysis it is
concluded that the vowels are generally reflected in an innovative rather than consonant. Innovative reflexes
on the vowels cause the reflected lexicons to be innovated. The high vowel /*i/ is reflected into /i/ and /e/.
Meanwhile the vowel /*u/ is split into /u/ and /ɔ/. The middle vowel /*ә/ is reflected into /a /and /ɔ/
innovatively. The vowels /*a/ and /*ә/ simultaneously merge into /a/. Innovatively reflected consonants are
found in /*h/, /*k/, /*ʔ/, and /*r/ consonants. The plosive voiceless consonants /*p/, /*t/, and /*k/ are reflected
at all positions linearly. Meanwhile, the /*c/ consonant appears only in the initial and medial positions, and
/*ʔ/ only appears in the final position. The plosive voiced consonants i.e /*b/, /*d/, /*j/, and /*g/ are only
reflected in the initial and medial positions linearly. The nasal consonants /*m/, /*n/, and /*ŋ/ are also reflected
in all positions linearly, but /*ɲ/ is reflected only in initial and medial positions. The liquid consonant /*r/ and
/*l/ and fricative /*s/ and /*h/ are reflected in all positions. /*r/ consonant is innovated into /R/, while /h/ is
split into /h/ and /Ø/.
1 INTRODUCTION
Asahan Malay (BMA) in its development has a
relationship with the parent language, namely the
Protoaustronesia language (PAN). As a proto
language that covering the Austronesian language
family, PAN language inherits a number of lexicon in
its derivative language. However, after separating
from the parent language, evolutively every language
evolves even in its own way in accordance with its
environment (Bynon, 1979). Evolving and changing
a language even the shifting of a language is a
community efforts in meeting their interaction needs.
Natural conditions, culture, and environment are
other causes. Therefore, it is not surprising that there
is a common terminology in different languages. This
condition also occurs in the sustainability of the
cognate languages.
The languages of the Austronesian family are so
numerous, so the researchers attempted to group the
languages into smaller groups through reconstruction.
So that the Protomalay, Protobatak, and other
protolanguage are found. It is done to observe the
process of inheritance that occurs in the
protolanguage from the PAN language. PAN
language hypothetically derives the Protomalay (PM)
language and other proto language. Furthermore, the
PM language is a language that hypothetically derives
the current Malay language and its dialects, one of
them is BMA. For example, if the reconstructed is
/*p/, this protoconsonant /*p/ should be seen as a
formula characterized [+consonantal, +obstruen,
+anterior] and so on. These characteristics are made
as conclusions based on similar or almost identical
features found in /p/ in various Malay dialects. It is
impossible to describe exactly how the /*p/ sounds in
protolanguage are spoken. The phonemes derived
from the protolanguage are referred to as derived or
reflex phonemes. Thus, /p/ in a dialect is a reflex of
*p (Asmah Haji Omar, 1995). This reflex is called a
linear reflex.
A proto phoneme sometimes has only one reflex
and sometimes more than one reflexes. These
different reflexes can appear in different
environments and in different dialects. PM vowel
phonemes /*ә/, for example, have reflexes /ә/, /ɔ/, and
/a/. The relationship between one reflex and another
1178
Widayati, D., Gustianingsih, . and Lubis, R.
Conservative and Innovative Form of Proto Malay in Malay Asahan.
DOI: 10.5220/0010069111781183
In Proceedings of the International Conference of Science, Technology, Engineering, Environmental and Ramification Researches (ICOSTEERR 2018) - Research in Industry 4.0, pages
1178-1183
ISBN: 978-989-758-449-7
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
derived from a proto phoneme is called a diaphon
(Asmah Haji Omar, 1995). In examining this
reconstruction, it holds on the "probability factor"
which Asmah Haji Omar called the probability theory
of language change. The meaning of this theory is that
the processes of change prevailing in language
repeated from time to time. Therefore, what applies
in synchronic language change is nothing but the
repetition of the same process that prevailed in the
past (Asmah Haji Omar, 1995).
2 METHOD
There are two concepts in the inheritance system of
Protolanguage into derivative language, namely the
concepts of innovation and retention. The concept of
innovation is based on the writings of Llamzon. He
described that innovation is the continuity of change
of certain features of a language whereas if the
continuity is not changed it is called retention
(Llamzon, 1969). However, certain features can not
change up to a certain stage in its development and
therefore it can be regarded as retention from the
stage of innovation. The form of retention and
innovation in derivative languages is called a
conservative and innovative form.
The process of preserving the proto language in
the present language is called linear inheritance.
Greenberg (Fernandez, 1996) explains that in its
historical development, language can occur
independently without going through a period of
common development. This is the opposite of
innovation that the innovations experienced by
language are exclusively common through a period of
common development. Innovation is assumed to
occur when language as a whole break up into a
number of specific language subgroups [see
Widayati, 2016).
In phonology, innovation is concerned with the
rules of change that encourage the formation of new
vocabularies (Nurmaida, Sibarani, Widayati, and
Nurlela, 2019). Phonological innovations appear in
various forms of change including the number and
distribution of phonemes such as mergers and splits,
deletion, and substitutions (see also Purba, Mbete, Ni
Wayan, 2017). Regular phoneme changes in the
related languages are an earlier language heritage,
while irregular changes occur later. There are
generally two innovations: replacement and emerging
forms. Substitution is a change in the form of a parent
language cognate.
The research for conservative and innovative
forms in the BMA of the PM uses historical linguistic
analysis and comparative methods (Widayati, 2016).
Therefore, descriptive data collection is the first step
for provision of appropriate data in this study. The
natural data of the speakers strives to emerge
naturally without manipulation. Here the researchers
are required with all the ability to capture and
simultaneously analyze the data with the theories and
methods appropriate, in order to materialize the
expected research results. The data of
Protoaustronesia language (PAN) and Proto Malay
language (PM) were obtained from von Dempwolff
(1938), Nothofer (1988 dan 1975), Blust (1988),
Collins (1986), Adelaar (1994, 1988), Asmah Haji
Omar (1995), and Inyo Yos Fernandez (1996).
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
The results will be discussed in two subsections, they
are the innovative and conservative forms of PM
vowels in BMA and the innovative and conservative
forms of PM consonant in the BMA
3.1 The Innovative and Conservative
Forms of PM Vowels in BMA
The PM vowel system who reconstructed by Adelaar
is similar to the Proto Austronesian vowel system,
which recognizes two high vowels /*i/ and /*u/, a
middle vowel /*ә/, and a low vowel /*a/ (Collins,
1986 ).
3.1.1 The PM High Vowels in BMA
The high vowels are distinguished over the back
vowel /*i/ and the front vowel /*u/. PM Vowel /*i/
has various reflexes in BMA, ie /i/ linearly inherited
and /a/, /e/ innovatively inherited. For example, *biar
> biaR, * kǝcik> kɔcIk, *bulih > buleh, bɔlɛh. The
PM vowel /*i/ of the open penultimate syllable
remain linearly inherent. However, in the open and
closed ultimate and penultimate syllabels /*i/ also
become [e] (on closed syllables only). This change
can be explained that in the closed syllable /i/ changes
the distinguishing feature [+ high] to [-high] and the
neutralization of the syllables before or after. The
change /* i/ > /e/ occurs because /* i / undergoes a
feature adjustment process in the presence of /ɔ/, ie [+
high] > [-high]. The process of change because of the
environment has resulted in phonemic separation /* i/
> /i/ and /e/. In the antepenultimate syllable /*i/
becomes /i/ and /a/ in BMA. The alteration of */ i/ >
Conservative and Innovative Form of Proto Malay in Malay Asahan
1179
/a/ in this syllable is the result of the second syllable
neutralization or penultimate syllable (see Adelaar,
1994). For example, *binantu> m (i, a) nantu,
*tiŋadah > t(i,a)ŋadah.
From the above description it can be concluded
that /*i/ has split into the derived phoneme, ie / i, e,
and a /. In addition, BMA also retains many archaic
forms or conservative forms that having /i/ vowel.
That is, in the BMA is still maintained PM forms. The
existence of a low vowel /e/ or /a/ is a later change
(c.f. Nothofer, 1975).
The PM vowel /*u/ has different reflexes because
of its environment. In open and closed ultimate and
penultimate syllables /*u/ > /u/. The closed syllable
[u] weakened into [U]. The distinctive features [+
height, + tense] change into [+ high, -tense]. For
example, *batu > batu, *jatuh > jatUh, *hulu >
hulu, *pǝrut > pɔRUt. However, /u/ also splits into /ɔ/
in the same environment, ie ultima and penultima
syllables. The appearance of /ɔ/ in this BMA is the
result of neutralization of low vowel sounds /e, a, or
ɔ / that located before or after neutralized sounds. For
example, *bulih> bulɛh, bɔlɛh, * iluk> ɛlɔk, *puhun>
pɔhɔn, *tuluŋ > tɔlɔŋ, and *ikuR> ikUR. That is,
BMA lexicon shows an innovative and conservative
form. In antepenultimate syllable /*u/ has a diverse
reflex: /u, i, and a/. This diversity arose sporadically
in the BMA. For example, *kuliliŋ > k(u, a)lilIŋ, *
sumaŋat > s(u, a)maŋat, *surambiʔ > s(u,a)rambi,
*subaraŋ > s(i,a)bɔRaŋ, *kulambu > k(u, a)lambu.
The emergence of an innovative phoneme, ie /a, i/ can
be called as the vowel harmony or the neutralization
of the sound of the penultimate vowel syllable.
3.1.2 The PM Middle Vowels in BMA
The PM middle vowel /*ә/ has a reflex /ɔ/, and /a/ in
BMA. These innovative reflexes appear in different
syllables. In the penultimate syllable /*ә/ is reflected
innovatively as /ɔ/. For example, *kәɲaŋ > kɔɲaŋ,
*bәlum > bɔlUm, *sәɲap > sɔɲap, *dәbu > dәbu. In
antepenultimatel/preantepenultimate and closed
ultimate syllables /*ә/ reflected as /a/. The reflex of
/a/ arises as a result of the neutralization of the vowel
in the second syllable of the end/penultimate. For
example, bәrapa > baRapɔ, *bәlakaŋ > balakaŋ,
*mәŋapa > maŋapɔ, * bәrkәlahi> bakalai. In the
closed ultimate syllable /*ә/ is inherited inovatively
as /a/. For example, *pinjәm > pinjam, *cәpәt >
cɔpat, *tahәn > tahan, *lәmәk > lɔmak, *kәbәl >
kɔbal.
3.1.3 The PM Low Vowel in BMA
The PM low vowel /*a/ on closed penultimate and
open/closed penultimate syllables are linearly
inherited in the BMA. However, in the open ultimate
syllable /*a/ > /ɔ/, whereas in antepenultimate
syllable /*a/ > /a/. That is, PM /*a/ has split in BMA.
For example, *salah > salah, *bara > baRɔ, *apa >
apɔ, *baŋkay > baŋke, *baRani > baRani, *kamuniŋ
> kamunIŋ
Reflexes of /*a/ are also present in double vowels.
There is a double vowel that appears due to the loss
of consonant /*h/ on the position between the vowels
and there is also a double vowel which is a form of
PM. For example, *bahiraʔ > bairaʔ > berak,
*sahupan > saupan > sɔpan, *baisan > besan,
*mairah > meRah. In the lexicon *bahiraʔ, at first
happening was /*h/ > /Ø/, then contraction /*ai/ > /e/
and also the lexicon *sahupan. The process is
*sahupan > *saØupan> saupan> sɔpan. On *baisan
and *mairah lexicons only the contraction process
occurs, namely *baisan > besan; *mairah> merah.
Based on the description of the PM phoneme
above and its reflexes, it can be concluded that the
BMA vowel system consists of a five-phoneme
system which is a reflex of the four PM vowel
phonemes, ie
Figure 1: PM vowel reflex in BMA
3.2 The Innovative and Conservative
Forms of PM Consonants in the BMA
PAN language recognizes 25 consonants, ie, *p, *b,
*t, *d, *D, *c, *j, *k, *g, *q, *m, *n, *ɲ,* ŋ, *s, *S,
*h, *l, *r, *R, *y, *w, *z, and *Z. All consonants
occupy all positions, only consonants *T, *Z, *z, *ɲ,
and *j do not occupy the final position. The phonemic
development of the PAN consonants to PM is
described as follows (see Blust, 1988 and Fernandez,
1996 ).
ICOSTEERR 2018 - International Conference of Science, Technology, Engineering, Environmental and Ramification Researches
1180
Figure 2: PAN consonants reflex in PM
3.2.1 The PM Plosive Voiceless Consonants
in BMA
Consonants of /p, t, c, k and ʔ/ typically appear in the
inter-vowel position, at the initial position, and after
the nasal consonant. The plosive voiceless PM /*c/
consonant is less common than the others. Words like
curi and cium contained in Malay are borrowing
words from a language in Northern India. According
to Zorg (Blust. 1988) the plosive voiceless
consonants in standard Malay is a derivative form that
developed later from Protopolynesia /*s or *t/, which
is reinforced by accent patterns that often appear in
the last syllables. However, according to Adelaar
(1988) this view may be true, but the developments
may have occurred before the PM stage. However, all
isolects have /c/ in at least several comparable devices
that are clearly not borrowed. That is, in
reconstructing the consonant of BMA can still be
done through PM * c.
The consonants of PM /*p and /*t/ are linearly
inherited in the BMA either in the initial, medial, or
final position without any environment. Similarly
with /*c/, but /*c/ never appears in the finial position.
For example *puluh > pulUh, *tipu > tipu, *lipәt >
lipat, *әmpat > ɔmpat, *hatәp > atap, *tuha> tu
w
ɔ,
*datәŋ > dataŋ, *bәlut> bɔlUt, *cari > caRi, *cәray
> cɔRe, *cucuk > cucuk, *bәnci > bɔnci. Those
inherited lexicons are innovative and conservative.
The deleting of /*h/ in the initial and medial positions
is a reasonable occurrence in almost every
Austronesian language. While other vowel changes
such as /*ә/ > /a/ on *hatәp > atap and /*ә/ > /ɔ/ on
*lәtup > lɔtUp are regular inheritance.
The consonant PM /*k/ is reflected as [k] and [ʔ].
The reflexes of /k/ > [k] appear in the initial and
medial positions. In the final position /*k/ PM is
innovative, ie /*k/ > [ʔ]. Actually, in this final
position /*k/ remains reflected as /k/, but this
phonetically [k] weakned to [ʔ]. The sound [ʔ] which
is the realization of /k/ is not distinctive and this is
different from the segmental phoneme [ʔ] which is
derived from /*ʔ/. For example, *kәmbar > kɔmbaR,
*kutu > kutu, *sakit > sakIt, *ikan > ikan, *tәluk >
tɔlUk.
In contrast to the consonant /*k/, the consonant
/*ʔ/ is reflected in three forms, ie /k, ʔ, and Ø/ in
BMA. The three reflexes are in the final position. The
phoneme of /*k/ and /*ʔ/ are two different phonemes.
The character is the phoneme of /*k/ in the final
position never deleted, while /*ʔ/ can be deleted in the
final position. Obviously, it appears in the following
examples, ie *baliʔ > balɛk, *datuʔ > datuk, *tapaʔ
> tapak, *bukaʔ > bukaʔ, *nasiʔ > nasiʔ, *butaʔ >
butɔ, *jәraʔ > jɔRɔ. In the final position [ʔ] appears
as a non-distinctive phoneme, as in the word *bukaʔ
> buka
ʔ. This word is used to distinguish words
*buka >bukɔ in [babukɔ puaso] and bukaʔ > bukaʔ
in [mambukaʔ pintu]. This problem also appears on
the realized muka which is realized to be [mukɔ] and
[mukaʔ]. The lexicone of [mukɔ] is used to declare
part of the head, ieface in the [lagak mukɔnyɔ]
‘pretty’, while [mukaʔ] is used to declare ‘front’ in
[pɔgi ka mukaʔ]. The appearance of reflexes /k/ and
/ʔ/ from /*ʔ/ and /*k/, indicates that there has been
partial merger and partial splits of two different proto
phonemes and and produce the same two phonemes.
In BMA’s lexicon there is *garuk, *garuʔ >
gaRut, gaRu. Both lexsemes were used in different
meanings. Lexicon gaRut is used toscavenging
garbage’, while the lexicon gaRu is used to 'rub each
other from two touching/scratching itchy surfaces',
for example because it is bitten by an insect. Based on
the correspondence of sound changes from the PM
that * ʔ> Ø, it is concluded that the lexicon gaRut is
reflected from the PM *garuk, while the lexicon gaRu
is reflected from PM *garuʔ. In comparison, in
Banjar (in Borneo) and Serawai (in Palembang)
languages recognize lexicon garut/ gaxut
<*garuk/garuʔ (Adelaar, K.A. 1994).
3.2.2 The PM Plosive Voice Consonants in
BMA
The plosive voice consonants PM in BMA are /b, d,
j, and g/. All these consonants can appear in the
initial, inter-vowel, and postnasal positions (see
Adelaar, 1994). Based on this correspondence
Adelaar (1994) reconstructs that the four consonants
are reflected from /*b, *d, *j, and *g/. The consonant
PM /*b/ is present only in the initial and medial
positions. In the medial position /*b/ is present
between the vowels whether identical or not and
postnasal. In both positions /*b/ retains in derivative
languages, for example *bintaŋ > bintaŋ, and
*tumbuh > tumbUh. Only on some lexsemes that
Conservative and Innovative Form of Proto Malay in Malay Asahan
1181
correspondence cannot be explained /*b/ innovated
into /w/, for example *kaban > kawan, *taban >
tawan, *laban > lawan.
The PM consonants /*d, * j, and *g/ are present
only in the initial and medial positions. This
consonant is not found in the final position. In the
medial position /*d/ is reflected between the identical
and not identical vowels, as well as the postnasal
position. These three consonants are inherited linearly
in the BMA. For example, *dada > dadɔ, *hiduŋ >
iduŋ, *tujuh > tujuh, *injәm > pinjam, *gigi > gigi,
*tәgak > tɔgak.
3.2.3 The PM Nasal Consonant in BMA
The identifiable nasal consonants are /*m, *n, *ɲ, and
*ŋ/. The consonant of /*m/ is present in every
position, initials, medial, and final. This consonant is
reflected linearly in the BMA. In the medial position,
the consonant appears between the vowels and in
front of the homorgan plosive consonant , ie /b, p/, eg
*muncuŋ > muncUŋ, *kami > kami, *tumpul >
tumpUl, muntUl, *tajәm > tajam, *kәtәm > kɔtam.
The lexsemes surrounding the presence of /m/ in their
reflexes appear innovatively with changes in
identifiable vowels. In addition, there is also a lexsem
which is reflected conservatively.
Just like the /*m/ consonant, this /*n/ consonant
is also reflected linearly in every position. In the
medial position this consonant appears between the
vowels and in front of the homorgan plosive
consonant, ie /t, d/, eg * nibuŋ> nibUŋ, *panas >
panas, *lantay > lantɛ, *hintay > intɛ, *iŋin > iŋin,
*dәlapan >(da)lapan, *sәmbilan > sambilan. The
derived lexicons in the BMA is conservative and
innovative. This innovative lexicon arises from a
systematic change in vowels. In lexsem *dәlapan is
inherited with one syllabic deleted at the beginning of
a word. This apheresis appears sporadically.
Generally, the speakers bring it up in two syllables
only in daily speech, that is lapan. The interesting
inheritance observed is *dәlapan <* dua(ʔ)alapan
(originally meaning two taken out of ten). In addition,
there are also lexicon *sәmbilan < *әsaʔ-ambil-an
(one taken out of ten). Ambil dan alap 'take' comes
from two different etymons. In Minangkabau
language is known leksem salapan <* әsaʔ-alap-an.
Blust explains that in Minangkabau s/alap/an ‘eight’
comes from the lexicon of origin s/alap/an
synonymous with s/embil/an 'nine' (Blust, 1988).
This lexicon then undergoes a change of meaning to
'eight' because of the loss of the original
morphological function of this form, ie sa <* әsa. In
leksem of
*binantu > minantu there is a substitution
of the plosive consonant in the third syllable of the
end (antepenultimate syllabel) with nasal homorgan,
ie b > m.
The consonant /*ɲ/ exists only in the initial and
medial positions between the vowels and in front of
the homorgan plosive consonant /c, j/. For example,
*ɲamuk > ɲamUk, *aɲam > aɲam, *kәɲaŋ > kɔɲaŋ,
*taɲaʔ > taɲɔ. Lexicons of *muncuŋ > muncuŋ
actually phonetically appear sounds of [ɲ] in front of
[c], ie [muɲcuŋ]. The realization of /n/ dental to [ɲ]
palatal occurs due to a regressive assimilation process
of palatal sound [c]. There has been a feature change
of /n/ in the cluster of [nc] from [+ dental, + nasal] >
[ɲ] in the cluster of [ɲc] [+ palatal, + nasal]. The
similar processes to this change is for example
*cincin > [ciɲcin], *[bәnci] > [bɔɲci], *kanciŋ >
[kaɲcIŋ]. Similarly with /n/ in the cluster /nj/ is the
feature change from [+ dental, + nasal] become [-
dental, + nasal], i.e. [ɲj]. For example *tunjuk >
[tuɲjUk], *janji > [jaɲji]. The consonant of /*ŋ/ is
also reflected linearly in all positions in the BMA. In
the medial position, the consonant /*ŋ/ is present
between the vowels and in front of of the homorgan
plosive consonant, ie /k, g/, eg. *ŋәri > ŋɔRi, *sәŋәt>
sɔŋat, *baŋkay > baŋke, *taŋgaʔ > taŋgɔ.
3.2.4 The PM Liquid (lateral, trill)
Consonants in BMA
The PM liquid consonants are /*r and *l/ which are
reflected innovatively in BMA. The consonants of
/*r/ innovate in all positions to velar fricative /R/, for
example, *rusaʔ > Rusɔ, *buruŋ > buRuŋ, *hilir >
hiliR. The reflexes of /*r/ to be velar fricative
hypothesized as the result of separation from Proto
Malay Polynesian (PMP) fricative /*R/ and trill /*r/
into /*r/ (PM) and become /R/ (BMA). For example,
*DaRaq > *darah > daRah, *DәŋәR > *dәŋәr >
dɔŋaR, *Rumaq > *rumah > Rumah, *ular> * ular
> ulaR. The PM consonant of /*l/ is reflected linearly
in all positions. For example, *lamaʔ > lamɔ, *malu
> malu, *gatәl > gatal.
3.2.5 The PM Fricative Consonant PM in
the BMA
The PM fricative consonants are /*s and *h/. Fricative
/*s/ reflected linearly at the initial, medial positions
between the vowels and the postnasal, and the final
position in the BMA. For example, *saraŋ > saRaŋ,
*bisik > bisik, *suŋsaŋ > suŋsaŋ, *haus > aus, *ruas
> Ruas. Conservative lexicons appear in BMA. Also,
the consonant of /*h/ PM is reflected linearly in the
medial position between the vowels and the final
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1182
position. In the initial position /*h/ innovated to be
/Ø/. For example, *harimaw> aRimɔ, * huban>
uban, *halia> aliɔ, * tihaŋ> tiaŋ, *tuha > tua, *tahan
> tahan, *pilih > pilih. This apheresis /*h/ appears
regularly, but in the lexicon that having an additional
[+ emotion], /h/ more often appear than not. Its
function is to give emphasis to the spoken lexicon.
For example hapak> hapak 'smell moist', harum >
hɔRum 'fragrance'. In the medial position between
identical vowels /h/ still exist, but /h / deletes
between vowels that are not identical. That is, /*h/ has
a split in BMA, ie /h/ and / Ø /.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The vowels are generally reflected in an innovative
rather than consonant. nnovative reflexes on the
vowels cause the reflected lexicons to be innovated.
The high vowel /*i/ is reflected into /i/ and /e/.
Meanwhile the vowel /*u/ is split into /u/ and /ɔ/. The
middle vowel /*ә/ is reflected into /a /and /ɔ/
innovatively. The vowels /*a/ and /*ә/ simultaneously
merge into /a/. Innovatively reflected consonants are
found in /*h/, /*k/, /*ʔ/, and /*r/ consonants. The
plosive voiceless consonants /*p/, /*t/, and /*k/ are
reflected at all positions linearly. Meanwhile, the /*c/
consonant appears only in the initial and medial
positions, and /*ʔ/ only appears in the final position.
The plosive voiced consonants i.e /*b/, /*d/, /*j/, and
/*g/ are only reflected in the initial and medial
positions linearly. The nasal consonants /*m/, /*n/,
and /*ŋ/ are also reflected in all positions linearly, but
/*ɲ/ is reflected only in initial and medial positions.
The liquid consonant /*r/ and /*l/ and fricative /*s/
and /*h/ are reflected in all positions. /*r/ consonant
is innovated into /R/, while /h/ is split into /h/ and /Ø/.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research was financially supported by
Universitas Sumatera Utara in according to
TALENTA Universitas Sumatera Utara Research
Contract for the Year 2018 Number 2590/
UN5.1.R/PPM/2017 dated March 16
th
, 2018.
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