Do Cities Really Want Human Rights?: A Socio-legal Inquiry of
Governance Performance in Decentralized Indonesia
R. Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman, Ekawestri Prajwalita Widiati and Dwi Rahayu Kristianti
Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
Keywords: Good Governance, Human Rights City, Local Government, Local Regulation.
Abstract: A modern city concept is aiming to create liveable city which addressing many favours. Liveable city does
not mean exclusively as a beautiful, clean and IT based city. The city should be able to ensure access to
essential public service such as access to education, access to health services, free against all forms of
discrimination and intolerances, also protecting vulnerable people’s rights. In order to drive the local
governments to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, the central government of Indonesia through the
Regulation of the Minister of Justice and Human Rights No. 34 of 2016 established a set of criteria of
Human Rights Cities. This regulation then became the basis for the annual human rights cities award where
by the end of 2017 there were hundreds cities received the award. Interestingly, some cities that widely
reported dealt with serious human rights violation issues received an achievement as human rights cities.
This paper intends to analyse using socio-legal perspectives the parameters use to examine achievement of
local government implementing human rights using human rights based approach and consider supra factors
besides norms which affects the effectiveness of the norms. What the research have found that many cities
actually allowed political-economy oligarchs to exploit natural resources or build their business without
considering community’s rights protection. It seems that the local governments have been often hiding
behind formal administrative law in order to provide a smooth way of the owners of capital and facilitate
full of political economic interests of the authorities.
1 INTRODUCTION
Lately on 10
th
December 2017, The President of the
Republic of Indonesia Joko Widodo conferred 232
awards for Provinces, Cities/Districts categorized as
Human Rights Provinces/Cities including West Java,
Bali and Bangka Belitung (Tribunnews, 2017). A
year before, East Java and cities in the East Java
Provinces gained the same award (Surya, 2016). In
other words, there has been a long list of cities and
provinces in Indonesia that should be read reflecting
human rights principles in their local governmental
practices.
The idea of human rights cities, the "city of
human rights", is one of the initiatives developed
globally, with the aim of localizing human rights.
This idea is based on the recognition of the city as a
key player in the promotion and protection of human
rights and generally refers to a city whose
governments and populations are morally and
legally governed by human rights principles. The
initiative departs from the idea that, in order for
international human rights norms and standards to
be effective, all citizens must understand and
understand human rights, as a framework for
sustainable development within their communities.
Principles for Human Rights Cities initiates set of
rights to cities includes; non-discrimination and
affirmative action; social inclusion and cultural
diversity; participatory democracy and accountable
government; social justice, solidarity and
sustainability; leadership and political
institutionalization; mainstreaming of human rights;
effective coordination of institutions and policies;
human rights education and training, and the right to
compensation (Zainal Abidin, 2018).
According to the Article 28 I Paragraph (4) of
the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia,
it is stated that: The protection, promotion,
enforcement, and fulfillment of human rights are the
responsibility of the state, especially the
Government. As part of the executive power that is
distributed vertically, local government carries the
same mandate of the constitution in Article 28 I
676
Wiratraman, R., Widiati, E. and Kristianti, D.
Do Cities Really Want Human Rights? A Socio-legal Inquiry of Governance Performance in Decentralized Indonesia.
DOI: 10.5220/0007549406760679
In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference Postgraduate School (ICPS 2018), pages 676-679
ISBN: 978-989-758-348-3
Copyright
c
2018 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
Paragraph (4) to take further the aim of human rights
protection, promotion and fulfilment. Furthermore,
the Law Number 23 Year 2014 concerning Local
Government remarks that local government as the
development spearhead is expected to realize at least
two main ideas: firstly, local welfare which in turn
will contributes to national welfare and secondly, the
acceleration of democratization through public
engagement in the policy-making.
In the local government where the actual
interaction between government and society takes
place in daily basis, human rights perspective is
undeniably necessary due to the fact that the
government decision mas directly affects society
without due. Public services delivered by the local
government ranging from waste management, local
market, cemetery, education and health service, to
the issue of natural resources. Even though in the
context of Indonesian unitary system, local
government is inferior to central government. The
local government in fact exercises key power related
to locality because vertical distribution of power in
Indonesia believes that local knows better about
their need and value. As a results, local government
is in full authority to issue permits mostly for
businesses on many subjects/area for instance
mining permits, advertisement license etc. Similarly,
the authority to enact local regulation based on
locality is used to express majority group.
Under those circumstances, it is obvious that
local problems does not go far from those two.
National commission on violation against women
noted there were hundreds and counting local
regulations contain discriminative rules against
women and minority groups (Komnas Perempuan,
2010). There is tendency to express majority values
into the regulation.
Moreover, the Human Rights Cities award is not
free from criticism. Again National Commission on
Violence against Women for example, gave the
spotlight on the award given to the Governor of
Central Java as an unworthy award (Komnas
Perempuan, 2017). The commission argues that
what happened in Central Java with the destruction
and severe nature damage caused by limestone
mining that occurred in Kendeng, and the cracking
of social cohesion and even familial relationship due
to differences in pro and contra cement alignment
should be counted as a failure to realize the
promotion of human rights in Central Java. It is an
irony where in an area that clearly has human rights
issues factually granted with the human rights
award.
This article departs from that social-political
context, which using case studies for exploring the
fundamental problems of ‘human rights cities’
award and its debates. For deepening facts and its
analysis, this paper uses a socio-legal approach to
dissecting such problems.
2 THE ABSENT OF HUMAN
RIGHTS BASED APPROACH
Human Rights-Based Approach (HRBA) is a human
development process framework which based on
international human rights standards for the purpose
to promote and to protect human rights. It is argued
that HRBA has three characteristics, namely: its
objective is human rights fulfilment; it strengthen
the capacity of right-holders to claim their
entitlements and of duty-bearers to meet their
obligations; and principles and standards from
international human rights treaties should be a guide
to all development programs.
As a conceptual framework, HRBA must be
applied to all developments plans, policies, process
and outcomes. It is expected that the application of
HRBA can fulfil two rationales, stating that a HRBA
is legally and morally right (intrinsic rationale) and
admitting a HRBA leads to improved and more
sustainable human development outcomes
(instrumental rationale) (The United Nation High
Commissioner of Human Rights, 2006).
HRBA begins on 1997 when the United Nations
(UN) launched the United Nations Programme for
Reform which also urged all entities within the UN
system to integrate human rights mainstreaming into
various activities and programs. Since then, HRBA
became a paradigm in the development cooperation
program. In its development each agency in the UN
gets their respective experience in the
implementation of HRBA. Hence, the UN
constructed the Statement of Common
Understanding. This Statement consists of three
aspects: (1) all programs of development
cooperation should realize human rights as stated in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and
other international human rights instruments, (2) all
principles and standards in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and other international human
rights instruments should guide all development
programs in all sectors and in all phases, (3)
development cooperation develops the capacities of
the duty-bearers fulfil the obligations and the rights-
Do Cities Really Want Human Rights? A Socio-legal Inquiry of Governance Performance in Decentralized Indonesia
677
holders entitle the rights (The United Nation High
Commissioner of Human Rights, 2006).
In the context of Human Rights Cities Award in
Indonesia, the assessment of the awardee must
complies principles and standards from at least two
main ratified international human rights treaties, the
ICCPR and the ICESCR. However, it is presumed
that a HRBA as a paradigm is not applied in the
assessment of the human rights cities awarding.
2.1 The Government Self Proclaim
13 of 18 articles in the Ministry Instrument Number
34 Year 2016 concerning Human Rights Cities
Criteria regulates the procedure of assessment
followed with appendix consist off set of questions
and forms. The assessment process begins with a
submission by the municipal government by
completing forms provided, accompanying with
supporting data. The proposed document must be
validated by the respective head of department,
government secretariat in the municipal and
provincial level. The entire document is then
submitted to the head of the regional representative
office of the Department of Law and Human Rights.
At the next step, the head of the regional office shall
examine the documents covering: arithmetic
correction; the validity of the supporting documents;
relevance between data assessment form with the
supporting documents.
In case of incompleteness or non-conformity, the
head office shall coordinate with the validator.
Whereas if the examination of documents is declared
complete then the head of the regional office send
the document to the Directorate General of Human
Rights of the Department of Law and Human
Rights. In the next process, the Directorate General
then set up an assessment team consisting of
ministry officials, non-governmental organizations
and academics. If at this stage there is a discrepancy
between the supporting data and the contents in the
form, once again the assessment team can coordinate
with the validator. Furthermore, if all documents are
in accordance with the results of the assessment, it is
then shall be reported to the General Director to be
subsequently reported to the Minister. The whole
process since the examination until reported to the
minister takes about 2 months starting on 15
September to 10 November every year.
It can be seen from this process, the city
government to be assessed apply for their own
without any participative mechanism from the grass
root. In addition, the whole sequence is mostly
document-based assessment and reflects a more
coordinative rather than evaluative mechanism.
2.2 Quantitative Question to Answer
According to Article 3 of the ministry instrument,
assessment of the fulfillment of human rights criteria
is measured within three sections: structure, process
and outcome. At the structural section, it is
questioned whether or not local government has
initiated policy through local regulation on each
matters and how much percentage of funds are
allocated for the activity in the regional budgetary
program. Assessment of the process section is
carried out on the availability of facilities,
infrastructure and human resources. Similarly, an
assessment of outcome section is also measured
trough figures.
On the measurement of the right to education, for
example, it is asked about the ratio of availability of
primary schools and the ratio of teacher availability.
Then the outcomes are measured by participation at
schools rates and literacy figures. Furthermore, on
the measurement of the rights of women and
children for example, it is asked about the existence
of counseling and rehabilitation program for women
and children victims of violence with the result
indicator is the ratio of domestic violence and the
percentage of underage workers
This assessment tool of course is obvious, but it
certainly cannot reveal what kind of effort has been
taken to ensure, for instance, the affirmative action
has been taken to ensure the poor go to school? The
use of quantitative-based assessments is actually
vulnerable to manipulation although it is indeed
easier to follow. While the qualitative assessment
does require mechanism that is not simple. However,
in the context of measuring the fulfillment of human
rights, both aspects of the assessment should be
pursued to capture the actual conditions in the cities.
Both quantitative and qualitative indicators should
be set to monitor the achievement of human rights
through development programs (The United Nation
High Commissioner of Human Rights, 2006).
3 MERE POLITICAL
TRANSACTION
Cases of mine exploitation, land grabbing and
expansion of oil palm plantations indicate the
working of that power. The law, especially the
administrative law and the judicial mechanism of
ICPS 2018 - 2nd International Conference Postgraduate School
678
TUN, legitimizes it effectively is used to benefit the
power of the oligarchy. The case of Kendeng
(against cement mining industry), Kulon Progo case
(for international air port project infrastructure),
Tumpang Pitu case (Banyuwangi gold mine), are
series of case illustrations. The law, in the end, is
merely devoted to the economic power of large
capital politics, and directly removes eco-social
justice.
From these cases, actually the City of Human
Rights Care is rather either administrative or
procedural model of human rights programs, instead
of the progressive realization of human rights in the
city. The question of implementation has been
always a big gap with human rights standard under
international human rights normative framework.
Similar observation has been stated by a Jakarta
based non-governmental organization, ELSAM (the
Institute for the Study and Advocacy of the Society).
The Deputy Director of the Institute for the Study
and Advocacy of the Society, Wahyudi Djafar, said
there are 227 districts in Indonesia who received the
predicate on the City of Human Rights Care at the
end of 2016. This was issued by the government and
announced by Minister Yasonna Laoly in the year
then in Surabaya, East Java, when commemorating
World Human Rights Day.
According their research, especially based on six
areas to study, such as Padang, Surakarta, Kayong
Utara, Gorantalo, East Manggarai, and Jayapura,
ELSAM measures the performance of structural
aspects, processes, and results of human rights
concerns, which show different data. There are
areas that diligently make human rights regulations
but low on implementation results, said Wahyudi
(Tempo, 2017).
ELSAM observed that East Manggarai was
included as human rights, the result is 33.3 percent
of the three aspects of the study, but the results were
low. Surakarta region actually gets a high rating, but
the most serious problem with such city is related to
religious intolerance.
4 CONCLUSIONS
We argued that ceremonials of the City of Human
Rights Care has actually reflected a mere political
transaction rather than a serious commitment to
improve human rights condition at field. Such
political transaction has been also showing the work
of oligarchic forces underpinned by state law policy
with the subjection of campus intellectuals who
became lubricants, gave birth to the destruction of
natural resources by corporations and the exclusion
of indigenous communities and peasants widely.
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