Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism
Irfan Wahyudi
Communication Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
Keywords: Newspaper, Community, Migrant, Activism, Ethnography.
Abstract: Hong Kong is listed as one of the most popular countries for Indonesian migrant workers. In 2012, more than
160,000 Indonesian migrant domestic workers (IMDWs) were living in Hong Kong, and 70 per cent of them
were women. Hong Kong is the premium destination for IMDWs because of its moderately higher salary,
good laws and regulations and its ambience of independence. The IMDWs can also access multiple forms of
media, ranging from print media to the internet. This writing specifically discusses the use of print media as
the tool of migrant advocacy. There are four existing Indonesian language newspapers in Hong Kong: Suara,
Apa Kabar Plus, Koran Indonesia (KINDO), and Berita Indonesia. All Indonesian newspapers in Hong Kong
depend on advertising to meet their running costs. Each newspaper allocates around half its pages to
advertising. The existence of newspapers helps the IMDW community to stay abreast of recent news and
information about their community and livelihood in Hong Kong. Newspaper journalists also actively
contribute to migrant activities and are influential in the capacity building of IMDWs. Nevertheless, conflicts
between the newspaper journalists and migrant organizations have affected the newspapers’ credibility.
Distrust has been declared by migrant activists about several of the Indonesian free newspapers in Hong Kong
and has been a major driver of IMDWs publishing their own version of print media, namely Vokal and Sinar
Migran. The methodology used was ethnography. Fieldwork was conducted in Hong Kong’s Special
Administrative Region (SAR) in 2013 and 2014. Participant observations, in-depth interviews, and focus
group discussions were conducted in this research.
1 INTRODUCTION
Indonesian Migrant Domestic Workers (IMDWs) in
Hong Kong are fortunate enough to have access to a
range of resources that allow them to stay up to date
with the latest information, such as the establishment
of Indonesian free newspapers. There are more than
150,000 IMDWs in Hong Kong and their existence
encourages commercial and independent publishers
to produce free newspapers in Indonesian. These
Indonesian free newspapers are produced and printed
in Hong Kong, and generally publish news about
IMDW-related issues.
The Indonesian free newspapers in Hong Kong
profit from selling advertising space. Several
publications are supported by companies that use
them as the main media to promote their products.
The Indonesian free newspapers allow migrant
workers to freely access news written in their own
language so they can digest the information easily.
This writing aims to examine the Indonesian free
newspapers and independent print media produced by
IMDWs in Hong Kong. Furthermore, it focused on
print media intentions, influence and significant
contributions to IMDW activism in Hong Kong.
Research studies on the topic of the IMDWs’ lives
in Hong Kong have mostly focused on the
relationship between migrant workers and the law,
human rights and inequality, gender, protest and
activism and so on (see Lai, 2007; Liu, 2010; Ignacio
& Mejia, 2009). However, no comprehensive
research has intensely discussed the Indonesian
female domestic workers’ activities in the form of
media activism. Furthermore, scholars tend to
examine what has happened to IMDWs abroad;
IMDW activism, especially in the production of
messages through conventional media and the
internet, has been only briefly discussed (e.g. Briones,
2009; Killias, 2009). IMDW activism is possible in
Hong Kong because the country permits protests
(within limits), hence migrant domestic workers have
the opportunity to publicly express criticism without
fear of “violence or a militaristic police crackdown”
like “governments elsewhere” (Constable, 2009, pp.
155-156). This situation is in contrast to that in some
Wahyudi, I.
Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism.
DOI: 10.5220/0008817601170123
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018), pages 117-123
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright
c
 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
117

other countries that receive foreign workers, such as
the Middle Eastern nations where migrant workers
are not as well protected by government guidelines.
Previous publications have concerned the
Indonesian media in Hong Kong. The Jakarta Post,
for example, published an in-depth story about Suara
(voice, in English), an Indonesian free newspaper
produced and distributed in Hong Kong (Graham,
2007). Edith Koesoemawiria’s Indonesian Diaspora
and Minority Media: Mirroring Me Daily Study
(2008) also discussed the existence of Indonesian
print media in Hong Kong. She examined Indonesian
newspapers in Hong Kong and compared the situation
with what occurred with Chinese diaspora media in
Indonesia. Nevertheless, the positions of IMDWs in
media activities were not discussed in either context.
Significantly, the writing has a strong focus on the
conditions of IMDWs in Hong Kong in relation to
their participation in media activism. Moreover,
ethnography was used to help identify and describe
the situation of the IMDWs in relation to the use of
print media for activism purposes.
This study has the potential to reveal how the
typically exploitative and difficult conditions for
migrant workers in their host countries can be
addressed if access to the media is not restricted and
the freedom of migrant workers to express issues and
concerns is guaranteed by the regulating government.
More specifically, the writing discusses the role of
Indonesian newspapers and the dynamics of the
medium within the IMDW community in Hong
Kong. The interactions were examined between
IMDWs and Indonesian newspaper journalists, both
in a professional setting and in their daily social lives.
The relationships have been elaborated on between
journalists and government officials (in this case,
Indonesian Government representatives in Hong
Kong). The research focused on four Indonesian
language newspapers in Hong Kong that are free and
that have regular and huge distribution. It is argued
that news published by the Indonesian newspapers
have an impact on the experience of living in Hong
Kong for IMDWs and in some cases, they have raised
the tensions between IMDWs and the press.
Magazines and tabloids published independently by
IMDWs have also been examined. To focus this
analysis, Indonesian newspapers imported from
Indonesia will not be included. Although these are
sold and distributed in Indonesian stores across Hong
Kong, their content is limited to events in Indonesia
and they do not employ journalists based in Hong
Kong.
2 RESEARCH METHOD
The research applied ethnographic approaches to
examine Indonesian print media in Hong Kong as
advocacy tools for IMDWs in Hong Kong. The term
ethnography may be applied to qualitative research
whose aim is to gather an in-depth, specific
description of certain cultural and social situations.
Clifford Geertz (1973, p. 3) says that ethnography
aims to provide a cultural interpretation of a certain
condition existing in a society. As described by John
Van Maanen (1998, p. 3), ethnography is the “written
representation of culture”. The fieldwork was
conducted in Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region (SAR) in 2013 and 2014. Participant
observations, in-depth interviews, and focus group
discussions were employed in this research.
For this research, the conventional ethnography
definition of Hammersley and Atkinson (1983, p. 2)
was followed: “the ethnographer participates, overtly
or covertly, in people’s daily lives for an extended
period of time, watching what happens, listening to
what is said, asking questions; in fact collecting
whatever data are available to throw light on the issue
with which he or she is concerned”. Nonetheless, it is
realised that undertaking ethnographic research in
media studies requires a critical understanding.
Ethnography in media studies emphasises the
interpretations of the media constructed by the
audience in their everyday lives, where “it is true that
they (media studies) are not based on extensive
fieldwork in distant lands, but they do share some of
the same general intentions as anthropological
(ethnographic) research.” (Moores, 1993, p. 4)
There has been considerable ethnographic
research focusing on migrants (e.g. Anggraeni, 2006;
Constable, 2007, 2014; Sim, 2002, 2007). However,
there are a limited number of ethnographers working
on IMDW issues with a focus on media and cultural
studies. Ethnographers are attempting to address
Indonesian migrant involvement with media in their
research, although they provide no further discussion
on the topic. Broader discussions on migration and
the media have been developed by Andoni Alonso
and Pedro Oiarzabal (2010) and Mirca Madianou and
Daniel Miller (2012) with a diverse range of migrant
perspectives from around the world. Nevertheless,
ethnographic research on the media and Indonesian
migrants, especially those living in Hong Kong, has
not been undertaken to my knowledge.
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3 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
In 2015, there were 54 daily newspapers and 679
periodicals listed by the Government of Hong Kong
(Government of Hong Kong website, 2015). This
includes four Indonesian newspapers instituted in
Hong Kong. In general, these newspapers are bundled
in tabloid size, which is around half the size of a
broadsheet format. The size suits the profile of a free
newspaper.
Free newspapers are one solution to the corporate
monopoly of paid newspapers in both readership and
circulation (Bakker 2008:427). They provide news
for readers and a space for advertisers. A large
readership brings in greater advantages to the
advertisers, because the advertisements are read by
more people (Silva & Resende, 2013). In today's print
media industry, a free newspaper is an unorthodox
way to enable print media to exist amidst uncertainty
around the industry’s sustainability: “no one can
predict the future of the newspaper industry, but it can
be said with confidence that free is a model still
relevant to print” (Tennant 2014: p.118).
The existence of Indonesian free newspapers is an
interesting discussion topic among IMWs in Hong
Kong. However, the writing and research on this topic
are limited. However, one relevant article was written
by Koesoemawiria (2008), in which she briefly
discusses the existence of Indonesian free newspapers
in Hong Kong. She lists nine publications that are
issued, but only five of them have a regular
publication schedule—Berita Indonesia (Indonesia
News), Rose Mawar (Rose Rose), Apakabar (How
are You), Indo Pos (Indo Post), and Suara (Voice)
and specifically discusses the last in the list (2008:
pp.51-52).
3.1 Free Newspapers
During my fieldwork in 2013, I located four existing
newspapers: Suara, Apakabar Plus, Koran Indonesia
(KINDO), and Berita Indonesia. All Indonesian
newspapers in Hong Kong depend on advertising to
meet their running costs. Each newspaper allocates
around half its pages to advertising. Several
newspapers even intentionally operate as the
promotional instruments of particular companies.
Suara and KINDO, for example, were established as
marketing tools for cellular products produced by the
companies that manage the publications.
The free newspaper format employed by
Indonesian publications in Hong Kong employs
simpler criteria for the content than paid newspapers:
the news coverage is lighter and they “offer less news
than paid papers … published as tabloids or even
smaller formats … (and) the number of journalists
employed is smaller and they are less experienced”
(Bakker 2008: p.427). All Indonesian free
newspapers in Hong Kong have similar news
production hierarchies. They are commonly run by a
chief editor and news gathering is frequently
performed by journalists. Professional journalists
from Indonesia are recruited to fill positions as editors
and news reporters.
The newspapers also interact directly with
IMDWs in news production. Newspapers such as
KINDO, Apakabar Plus and Berita Indonesia employ
IMDWs as the freelance contributors of stories in
each edition. These contributors function to
strengthen the news coverage team. IMDWs take on
this role in their limited spare time.
Indonesian newspaper news products are well
received by IMWs. All Indonesian free newspaper
editions are quickly ‘sold out’. The newspapers are
popular not only because they are free, but because
the journalists actively promote their newspapers by
getting involved in the social activities of Indonesian
migrant communities in Hong Kong. The journalists
also have a significant influence over IMDWs by
participating in migrant organisation events,
developing workshops and courses for IMDWs.
The journalists’ perspectives on the events about
which they write and their specific roles in the IMDW
community are essential to the discourse of migrant
advocacy. As professionals working for the press,
journalists have the power to gather opinions and
raise issues through their publications. There are
different expectations of the journalists. Government
officials such as those from the Indonesian Consulate
expect journalists to represent the government’s
image in a positive manner. Media owners expect
journalists to write news that contributes to the raising
of revenue through advertising. IMDWs and activists
expect journalists to help publicise issues related to
migrant advocacy and the struggle to fulfil their rights
as workers. I discovered that these various
expectations are frequently intertwined and may put
journalists in a difficult position.
Suara was established in 2006 and is published by
HK Publications, a company located at North Point,
Hong Kong. Besides Suara, this company also
publishes the Hong Kong News, which is aimed at
Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism
119

Filipino migrants. HK Publications occupies the same
floor of a building as Kata, a smartphone producer,
and Owtel, a cellular phone distributor. These two
business entities are administered from the same
office as Suara and are under the one managing
company. Suara is issued biweekly and finances its
operations through advertising income. Kata and
Owtel are two clients that advertise permanently in
Suara (Hidayat, 2013).
However, the fact that Suara depends on
advertising and dedicates only a small proportion of
space to news is inconvenient for its reporters. Suara
journalist, Mega, said that the high advertising
allocation in Suara is problematic, because there is
real news that cannot be published due to the limited
amount of space (Mega, 2013). Nevertheless, Mega
realises that Suara acts as the marketing medium for
the company’s in-house products, Kata and Owtel.
Kata targets IMDWs because their population is high
and they have a high demand for communication
facilities. According to Hidayat, IMDWs are an
attractive target for cellular phone marketing
(Hidayat, 2013).
Management has given Suara journalists freedom
in their writing for the newspaper. However, the
company’s focus on advertising could harm the
sustainability of the newspaper because they give no
attention to the news content. As Mega explains, the
“management does not understand the content as they
cannot read Indonesian. You could even write
negative stories about the Indonesian Government,
and the company would not know” (Mega, 2013).
Mega’s statement suggests that there is no control
from the company over the newspaper’s editorship
and the quality of the news, and furthermore, the
professionalism of their journalists. This loose
editorial control could create the freedom for
journalists to write anything based on their own
ideology.
KINDO is an abbreviation of Koran Indonesia (in
English, Indonesian newspaper). The paper is
published and distributed by Field Profit Limited in
Hong Kong. Located in the Fair View Commercial
building in Sugar Street, Causeway Bay, this
company runs a business near to Victoria Park, the
centre of IMDW activities in Hong Kong. KINDO is
managed by Agus Zunaidi and is published monthly
with 24 pages focusing on news related to Indonesian
community issues in Hong Kong. For each edition,
KINDO prints 30,000 copies.
KINDO, under Zunaidi’s management, has an
exceptional position in the IMDW community in
Hong Kong. As stated by Eni Lestari, KINDO does
not empower migrant advocacy and support media
activism: “Zunaidi has his own personal goals in
managing KINDO and we do not expect KINDO to
be part of the struggle in advocating for migrant rights
in Hong Kong” (Lestari 2013). Lestari’s statement
suggests that it is unfortunate that KINDO is one of
the Indonesian print media outlets in Hong Kong to
be managed in this way, breaking away from the
current media activism movement.
Apakabar Plus is managed by Yuni Tze and
Razak. Yuni Tze manages the publication and Razak
oversees news gathering. The news is provided by
freelance journalists in Indonesia and Hong Kong.
Apakabar Plus news content is developed and
controlled not only by Razak: Yuni Tze also takes
part in the news editing and is active in maintaining
Apakabar Plus’s Facebook page. Apakabar Plus is
managed by the Apakabar Company, whose majority
share is owned by Yuni Tze.
Apakabar Plus offers a different approach to
servicing the needs of IMDWs in Hong Kong. The
tabloid has Indonesian celebrity news as its headlines
and provides updates on celebrity gossip. As critically
discussed by Turner, there is a big question mark
about whether celebrity articles should be considered
news, as it tends to be used as a marketing tool for
celebrities to capture the audience’s attention (2014:
pp.145-146). However, Turner sees that such articles
are “probably the key area where we can see
consumers accepting gossip or rumours as news”
(2014:150). Indeed, IMDWs are consumers who
enjoy celebrity news. The strong interest in the lives
of celebrities from the IMDWs’ home countries has
been captured by Apakabar Plus and is handled as a
distinct product that is positioned differently in the
landscape of Indonesian print media in Hong Kong.
The other notable free Indonesian print
publication in Hong Kong is Berita Indonesia, which
was established by Berita Indonesia Limited, a
company led by an Indonesian entrepreneur, Sam
Jauhari. The Indonesian community, especially
migrant workers, tend to associate Berita Indonesia
with Rio Chan, the newspaper’s editor in chief. Chan
emphasises that as a supplement, “Peduli provides
inspiration about businesses in Indonesia so then
returning IMDWs can picture what business they
might become involved in once they are back home.
IMDWs are very consumptive. Their drive to shop is
high, but now there is a trend for IMDWs to invest
their money in entrepreneurial activities” (Chan,
2013).
Berita Indonesia is known as a tabloid that is far
from controversial and that provides ‘safe’
information regarding migrant life in Hong Kong.
Unlike Suara, Apakabar Plus or KINDO, Berita
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Indonesia tries to satisfy everyone with the content
that it publishes. Chan’s close connections with
migrant organisations, the Indonesian Consulate and
several Indonesian institutions in Hong Kong have
given him the opportunity to broaden his networks in
sourcing information. On the other hand, what Berita
Indonesia offers via its news product has given a
strong sense that Indonesian publications in Hong
Kong may have complete editorial control, without
government or corporate influence.
3.2 Migrant-made Print Media
The establishment of Indonesian free newspapers in
Hong Kong has promoted dynamic developments in
the IMDW community in Hong Kong. The existence
of newspapers helps the IMDW community to stay
abreast of recent news and information about their
community and livelihood in Hong Kong. Newspaper
journalists also actively contribute to migrant
activities and are influential in the capacity building
of IMDWs. Nevertheless, conflicts between several
journalists and migrant organisations have damaged
the free newspapers’ credibility. Distrust declared by
migrant activists about several of the Indonesian free
newspapers in Hong Kong has been a major driver of
IMDWs publishing their own version of print media.
However, not all print media published
independently by IMDWs is the result of
disappointment with existing Indonesian newspapers
in Hong Kong. Several publications are produced
mainly because IMDWs want to channel their
creativities in writing. This has resulted in a range of
publications with diverse discussion angles being
distributed among IMDWs. This section examines
known the independent print media managed and
produced primarily by female IMDWs in Hong Kong,
which consists of two newspapers, Vokal (Vocal) and
Sinar Migran (Migrant Light), and four magazines,
BHSI, CahayaQu, Iqro and Nurmuslimah. These
print media are produced independently by IMDWs
and distributed for consumption by their colleagues.
Vokal is produced by ATKI. Even though its
publication schedule is not regular, ATKI is trying to
provide an alternative to migrant workers regarding
news content and information. Vokal is printed in a
tabloid format with news and stories focusing on the
issues and discourses of migrant advocacy and
protection.
The title Vokal was chosen by the publisher to
emphasise that readers should be brave in vocalising
their concerns, especially regarding their condition as
migrant workers in Hong Kong (Diristiani, 2013).
Each edition of Vokal prints 1,000 copies and is
distributed among ATKI members and its affiliates
(Maysaroh, 2015). Vokal is not distributed for free,
but the producer does not set a particular price for
each copy. Maysaroh said that Vokal is distributed on
a voluntary basis and that it is an important instrument
for organisations, because it “provides balance to
information from Indonesian newspapers in Hong
Kong, and importantly, it is being used by
organisations as a tool for education, information
sharing and propaganda” (Maysaroh, 2015).
Propaganda, as explained by Maysaroh, is
considered to be more of a mission performed by
Vokal in an effort to provide relevant information and
new perspectives on IMDWs’ lives in Hong Kong.
Like Vokal, Sinar Migran was also developed as a
solution to the IMDWs’ need to receive balanced
news and information relating to their existence in
Hong Kong. When the materials delivered by
Indonesian free newspapers are considered to be
insufficient and misleading, Sinar Migran fills the
gap by delivering news products that are more
straightforward. First released to the public in
December 2015, Sinar Migranis is packaged in
tabloid format and distributed not only in Hong Kong,
but also in Macau, Taiwan and Indonesia. Sinar
Migran is produced by JBMI and distributed by the
organisation members. It is printed over 16 pages and
there are 2,000 copies per edition. Sinar Migran sells
for HKD5 per copy.
Vokal and Sinar Migran are not the only
alternative print media dedicated to migrant workers.
Using the magazine form, several groups of migrant
workers are publishing their creations in diverse areas
of interest. The content of the magazine products
from migrant workers is usually thematic. One such
publication is BHSI, an Indonesian magazine
published in Hong Kong with an entrepreneurial and
investment approach. The magazine supplies
information enabling the migrant workers to invest
their money in different business entities while they
are still working in Hong Kong. This magazine is
published by BHSI, a group of IMDWs active who
create events and workshops on investment and
entrepreneurship.
Other magazine publications in Hong Kong that
attract readers through their religious and spiritual
content: CahayaQu, Nurmuslimah and Iqro.
Megawati, former Editor in Chief of Nurmuslimah
magazine, said that religious magazines have
significant potential in the Indonesian migrant media
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121

market in Hong Kong (Megawati, 2013). Unlike
Indonesian newspapers in Hong Kong that are
distributed for free, readers pay ~HKD10 for each
edition, published once per month (Megawati, 2013).
Susi Utomo, the Editor in Chief of CahayaQu
magazine, pointed out that migrant workers are busy
every day, “but as humans, we also need spiritual
motivation and updates on our religious beliefs”
(Utomo 2013). Utomo claimed that these needs are at
least facilitated by the Indonesian free newspapers in
Hong Kong: “that is why we make our own
publications, to support our fellow migrants’ spiritual
needs and by supporting them to remember their
creator” (Utomo, 2013). CahayaQu was established
in 2012 by Muslim IMDWs and is published
bimonthly, distributed in Hong Kong and Indonesia.
Megawati considers that these magazines have a
different motivation, other than just spiritual. She
says it is more about community and subjectivity, and
that religious magazines facilitate her religious
thoughts through writing: “Nurmuslimah’s vision
suits me in promoting the identity of Muslim women
as knowledgeable, and not katrok (simple-minded).
Importantly, Nurmuslimah was developed purely by
IMDWs and no outsiders can interfere”.
Nurmuslimah was established in 2011, printed 3,000
copies and has been distributed in Hong Kong and
Macau (Megawati, 2013).
Iqro is another religious magazine, and is
managed and published by Dompet Duafa (an
Indonesian organisation in the charity business).
Dompet Duafa has an office in Hong Kong that
frequently manages religious events and collects
donations from migrant workers. Iqro was established
in 2009 and is the first religious magazine published
not only in Hong Kong but also in Taiwan (Megawati,
2013). Megawati explained that Iqro is well-
maintained and has stable management because it is
supported by an established organisation.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The Indonesian free newspapers in Hong Kong are
managed by journalists who have wide networks and
a diverse range of relationships within the Indonesian
community. The four newspapers discussed have
editorial figures that control the news content based
on their professional and personal ideologies, which
prompts both admiration and criticism from their
target readers: IMDWs.
Print media published by IMDWs aims to solve
the problems caused by the Indonesian free
newspapers. IMDW media such as Vokal and Sinar
Migran have published news that has directly
criticised two governmental institutions that would
never be challenged by Indonesian free newspapers:
The Government of Hong Kong and the Indonesian
Consulate in Hong Kong. Magazines produced by
IMDWs have also become a balanced source of
information, giving IMDWs options to enjoy a
different type of news provided for them in the host
land. Nevertheless, the business factor has seemingly
become a main concern in the existence of Indonesian
print media in Hong Kong. Although newspapers sell
advertising, magazines sell activities that need
contributions from IMDWs, which brings them into
the realm of consumerism.
Despite the pros and cons regarding the existence
of Indonesian print media in Hong Kong, they have
undeniably contributed to the capacity development
of IMDWs in Hong Kong. Print media have published
a variety of news that is useful for IMDWs, fulfilling
their need not only for information, but also for
entertainment. Different positions taken by the
newspapers provide choices for IMDWs in accessing
relevant information for their needs. Activities
performed by journalists have also enriched the
IMDWs’ experiences and given them access to the
knowledge that they need outside their isolated
workplaces. The Indonesian print media provides
access for IMDWs to seek news about their
surroundings. The newspapers and magazines
function not only as a bridge of information about
what is happening in Hong Kong; they also
continually inform the IMDW community, and this
provides genuine evidence of how a diasporic
community can communicate through various
channels and utilise those channels to strengthen
bonds among fellow migrants.
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