Contemporary Javanese Youth in Short Stories

Meinarni Susilowati

English Letters, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang, Jalan Gajayana no 50

Malang Indonesia

Keywords: Contemporary Javanese Youth, Short Stories, Sociocultural Constructions, Identity Deployment.

Abstract: High mobility of the youth has intensively exposed them into hybridization which commonly signifies new

dimensions of their language. They challenge existing values, social categories and ideologies through their

use of vernacular. This may project the contesting sociocultural situations which can stimulate newly

deployed contemporary Javanese youth’s identity. Therefore, investigating how young people’s practices

across spaces and the ways these practices are connected to local places or neighbourhoods is significant to

do. This multi-dimension research which combined sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology gathered

the data from short stories on two Javanese magazines published in 2017-2018. Narrative sequences from

the stories were treated as the sociolinguistic landscapes which mirrored the constellations of sociocultural

constructions experienced by the youth. The analysis revealed that the youth’s life was projected within the

academic contexts which reflected the urban atmosphere; romance was vividly told in metropolitan settings,

as imagined community. Interestingly, digital literacy became the essential part of the youth’s interactions

which essentially upgraded the role of Javanese into global social networking. These implicate the pivotal

roles of multilingualism awareness and digital literacy language on the youth’s communication.

1 INTRODUCTION

Global linguascape as one of the important aspects

of globalization is commonly labelled by by

processes of linguistic homogenization. The growing

prevalence of English in globalizing communication

indicates its homogenization over national even

local languages, which may cause its reduced

functions or even gradually vanish. However,

globalization also generates processes of linguistic

hybridization as a result of intensive contacts among

the users of the languages due to their high mobility

and vast technology innovations. The emergence of

popular culture performed in different social media

glaringly projects how such hybridization is

essentially acknowledged within our daily life.

Similar phenomena also happen within

Indonesian context but emerges in different fashions.

The sense of hybridization of national language,

Indonesian, has influenced the nature of local

language such as Javanese. Despite its very rich

cultural and values attached to the language and

philosophical dimensions reflected its use, Javanese

has also predominantly occupies particular positions

which indicate its locality with its unique hybridity.

Migration of its users has exposed Javanese into

urban spaces which enjoys the nature of

globalization within Indonesian cultural contexts.

The political position as a local language has been

interrupted due to the users’ adjustment to the urban

life of metropolitan space, which actually in many

cases involves globalization. Seen from this lens,

Javanese has experienced both globalization and

hybridization within Indonesian contexts. The

tension between what is locally emergent and what

is widely recognized is part of what makes the

naming of these contemporary urban styles a very

important topic for the study of language ideological

contestation (Susilowati 2014; Susilowati 2013).

Hence, it highlights the importance of investigating

the interactional practices which can directly portray

how particular discourse prioritizes certain

languages, how hegemonic practices are delivered

through the language use, and shared concerns

Susilowati, M.

Contemporary Javanese Youth in Short Stories.

DOI: 10.5220/0009913706410647

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 641-647

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

641

which may create solidarity among the communities.

Seen from ideological point of view, local language

often shows more vigorous features and signifies the

processes of what is generally called ideological

becoming. These ways are not definitely value free

as the interactions may be diffused with both

national language as well as global cultural

expressions, in which ideological constructions take

place. Within this particular sociolinguistic

landscape, the interactions of the youth’s language

use and their identity project how they support or

challenge existing norms and values which are

traditionally acknowledged in innumerable ways.

The processes of disseminating globalized norms

into local contexts are also embedded with local

values which contextualize the norms into local

acceptance, as semiotic mobility(Paris & Alim 2017;

Blommaert 2010; Coupland 2007; Blommaert 2018;

Blommaert 2017). Embedding locality on globality

is perceived as natural parts of globalization.

These constructions may be vividly projected

into narrative sequences on short stories. Narration

sequences naturally are characterized by features of

daily life which are constructed in particular orders.

Narration may also provide very detailed description

how turn-takings take place to picture the flows of

negotiated meaning-makings and constructions.

Narration of short stories can project real life across

time and places(Olmos 2017). The elements of short

stories which consist of setting, character, plot,

conflict, point of view, and theme commonly reflect,

explicitly or implicitly, sociocultural aspects of a

particular community(Hubl & Steinbach 2018). In

many ways, figurative expressions are intensively

employed for delivering messages to the readers.

Short stories and other literary works written on any

sociocultural setting can be written in any

methodological and philosophical points of views,

from structuralism to postmodernism (Greaney

2006). This proves how short stories as literary

works not only project sociocultural constructions of

a community but also represent methodological and

philosophical trends. These facts strengthen the

statement that narration can be approached across

modalities (Lytra 2012) due to its multifaceted rich

dimensions.

As the part of realities within community, the

youth’s life is also socially, culturally, and

ideologically constructed. Young Javanese

communities own their unique lived experience

which occurs within their millennial environments.

As the representations of their lived experiences,

two Javanese magazines ‘Panjebar Semangat and

‘Jaya Baya’ magazines provide certain sections for

short stories special for and about the youth. The

first has ‘Cerita Cekak” and the second has

‘Romansa’, in which each deals with any topic and

concerns with the youth’s life. The settings, themes

and the contexts of the stories are pretty much

hybrid in terms of the diverse linguistic features

which characterize metropolitan aspects of the

youth. Therefore, focusing on young people’s

linguistic practices across urban spaces and the way

these styles or practices are connected to local

places.

The previous findings also demonstrate that

the young people across different sociocultural sites

employ any linguistic resources available to achieve

their communicative goals. These young people

demonstrate broader understanding which bridges

the gap between traditional language contact studies

and studies of multilingualism (Harris & Rampton

2011; Lytra 2012). Furthermore, research on

contemporary urban speech styles has often, despite

its emphasis on people’s ability to employ various

linguistic resources, focused on the use and

development of the ‘majority’ language in

questionnaire varieties or styles built on it (Cha et al.

2017; Garcia & Lin 2017; Thomas 2011; Race 2018;

Domnwachukwu 2010; Susilowati 2014). Therefore,

it is plausibly significant to investigate

contemporary young Javanese in projecting their

identity construction within different sociocultural

spaces.

2 REVIEW OF RELATED

LITERATURE

2.1 Multilingual Community

Within this global era, more people tend to be

multilinguals. It is really a part of daily life to find

people delicately switch from one language to

another. The extensive use of communication

technology creates borderless area which allows

people from different parts of the world interact each

other. The nature of communication tends to be

‘here and now’ as what happens in a particular part

can be instantly accessed by people from different

parts of the globe. Similarly, travelling from one

country to another can be within minutes and hours

at affordable fees. The ease of interaction among

people opens a wider possibility being a

multilingual.

Within Indonesian contexts, multiculturalism

and multilingualism have long been a natural

practice in daily routine. Indonesia is enriched by at

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642

least 742 local languages owned by diverse ethnics

spreading along the archipelago which has put

Indonesia as the 26

most linguistically diverse

country in the world. Despite its multilingual nature,

the discussions and needs of multilingual education

have just recently become academic concerns and

public discourse, especially when it deals with

policy makings. Multilingual Education proposed by

UNESCO in 2003 opened up greater chance of

execution of ME in Indonesia, in the forms of the

use of mother tongue in elementary schools,

bilingual and multilingual programs across the

nation. Today, the ability to shift from one language

to another is accepted as quite normal. Bilingualism

and multilingualism are a norm in this global village.

However, multilingual can be problematic. It

is often seen as personal and social problem.

Personally, being a multilingual, especially in some

western countries, can be the reason for being

looked down because the main stream only gives

prestige those who are monolingual of ‘high class’

languages (e.g. English, French). Wardaugh (1986: p

98) indicates that ‘many multilinguals tend to

occupy rather low positions in society and

knowledge of another language becomes associated

with inferiority’. Socially, it can cause loss of a

particular language, especially those among

immigrants. This, among other, can be the result of a

bizarre policy which requires the immigrants to

master and use a foreign language in their daily life

and wipe out the language the immigrants bring.

This kind of policy, later on, derives a

methodological implication which strongly urges the

avoidance of the use of mother tongue in different

contexts.

To a certain extent, multilingual can also lead

to diffusion. Certain linguistic features may spread

out from one language to another as a result of

multilingual situation. Vocabulary and syntactical

structures resembles in pidginization and

creolization. Within these diffusions, still, the use of

particular linguistic features especially vocabulary

may indicate a sharp different social class. Within

this multilingual community, code switching takes

place.

From a sociolinguistic point of view, there

are two kinds of code switching: situational and

metaphorical code switching. These concepts were

derived from Gumperz’s and commonly are

accepted by sociolinguists (Swann, et al., 2004).

Situational code switching is as a shift from one

language variety to another which signals a change

in the social situation to one in which different

norms, interactional rights and relations between

speakers obtain. Metaphorical code switching

involves the use of a variety not normally associated

with the current social situation and brings with it

the flavor of a different situation. Metaphorical code

switching has its affective dimension as it may lead

to different intentions of what lexically presents

(Wardaugh, 1986).

From the previous research, we know that

multilingual code switch because of two reasons.

First, code switching is related to and indicates a

group membership in a particular multilingual

community ‘such that the regularities of the

alternating use of two or more language within one

conversation may vary to a considerable degree

between speech communities’ (Aur, 1998 p. 3).

This tends to be a sociolinguistic perspective in a

sense that there is a relationship between social and

linguistic structure. Secondly, multilingual code

switch as they face intra-sentential constraints in the

forms of syntactic and morphosyntactic

consideration. This is a grammar perspective which

may or may not be of universal kind.

The above patterns of code switching,

however, create some limitations. Aur (1998) shows

that some structures of multilingual speech may be

free from both grammar and from greater socio and

ideological structures. Two patterns of code

switching are then proposed. The first is discourse-

related code switching, ‘the use of code switching to

organize the conversation by contributing to the

interactional meaning of a particular utterance’ (p.

4). The second is preference-related code switching,

also labeled as participant-related code switching,

which commonly requires extra conversational

knowledge. Theoretically speaking, there is no clear-

cut difference between the two because basically

particular conversations may regulate discourse-

related code switching and at the same time may

take on preference-related code switching. Code

switching can be also formally differentiated.

Swann, et.al. (2004) made a distinction between

intra sentential from intra-sentential code switching.

The first refers to switches which occur within a

sentence while the second is any switch which

occurs at the end of sentences.

Code switch is not merely switching from a

particular code to another, but it may play a

symbolic role. Bhatt (2008) has showed that code-

mixing and switching serves as a linguistic diacritic

to signal ‘difference’ among various sectors of the

middle class, especially between the English-

knowing multilinguals and ‘other’ multilinguals’. It

is further stated that there is a socio-linguistically

significant generalization that ‘members of speech

Contemporary Javanese Youth in Short Stories

643

communities in vastly different societies use their

linguistic resources sometimes to present a social

identity, to set boundaries linguistically, to

overcome the strong forces of conquest’(p.1). In an

Indonesia context, for example, the use of

Indonesian is regarded as more neutral and

democratic than Javanese when younger Javanese

wants to address older interlocutors. The existing

three different Javanese speech levels require the

young people employ ‘krama inggil’ or at least

‘krama madya’ to converse. The speech levels

embed the socially stratified utterances with

different symbolic role. The symbolic role of code

switch can be traced at any medium of

communication. Mass media, daily conversations

among family members, offices, and schools as well

as short stories and any other literary works can

reflect the symbolic role of code switching in

different ways.

2.2 Identity Constructions

Identity shibboleth has constructed extraordinary

repertoires for community to interact in virtual

domain. The repertoires include any resource people

who may reflect on their communication. The

repertoires are treated as the significant reflection of

what people have acquired for effective

communication. Furthermore (Blommaert 2013)

argues that such repertoires can be “indexical

biographies reflecting the social experiences of

people to specific orders of indexicality (exposure,

immersion, learning, informal acquisition) and the

ways in which such experience reflect the social

order and inscribe individuals into a wide variety of

group membership”. Furthermore, the order of

indexicality are collective social phenomena which

may drive the collective identity.

Sociolinguistically speaking, collective

identity is the main driver guiding the dynamics of

dialect. Blommaert argues that dialect is shibboleth

for regional identity shared by people inhabiting

particular region, currently or in the past; dialect

indexes the local and regional (Blommaert 2018).

Dialect pertains to change and innovation strongly

pends on degrees of social integration; the better

people are integrated in the community, the more

they will contribute to the innovation of dialect. At

the same time, it underscores the importance of

looking directly at interactional practice itself (rather

than simply treating practice as a theoretical

resource for the interpretation of non-interactive,

quantitative or media data). In contexts where

dominant discourses prioritize a standard national

language and the assimilation of immigrants,

counter-hegemonic processes like the cross-ethnic

use of originally migrant speech forms are often

grounded in shared neighbourhood experience,

where solidarities develop from common concerns

and activities. Local language ideological discourses

are often more robust than this, but close attention to

what is hard-to-name and relatively tacit is crucial if

we want to understand processes of ideological

becoming

Within this particular sociolinguistic

landscape, I consider the languageuse of young

people and identity work in interaction, especially

when the social media concerns. The idea of having

online social media as the sociolinguistic landscape

does enlarge the space for identity construction

which can be themyriad of ways they align with or

challenge traditional ethnic and socialcategories and

hegemonic language ideologies through their use of

standard/vernacular, their stylization practices or

through global culturalexpressions, such as hip hop

and other emblems of identities. I focuson the

commonalities and differences in young people’s

linguistic practices across urban spaces and the ways

these styles or practices areconnected to local places

or neighbourhoods.By focusing on young people I

am not only convinced by the assumption that itis

among youth that languages begin to bend, pressed

against the curveof history; but we are also driven by

the opportunities and challenges increased mobility

pose for adolescents linguistically and socially in

ways that point to the future.

The previous findings also demonstrate that the

young people in question and across sites employ

whatever linguistic resources available to achieve

their communicative goals. Furthermore, (Harris &

Rampton 2011) argue that these young people are

required drawing interalia on their heritage

language(s) in interaction, demonstrating that in

opting for a broader understanding of young

people’s language and identity management there is

a need to bridge the gap between traditional

language contact studies and studies of

multilingualism. Furthermore, research on

contemporary urban speech styles has often, despite

its emphasis on people’s ability to employ various

linguistic resources, focused on the use and

development of the ‘majority’ language in

questionor varieties or styles built on it (e.g. Kern

and Selting 2011; Quistand Svendsen 2010).Above

all, Susilowati (2016) has revealed that particular

group of urban youth has engaged their identity

construction within social media which importantly

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644

indicates their significant landscape of their

sociolinguistic

3 RESEARCH METHOD

3.1 Research Design

In line with the focus of the study, I employed multi-

angle dimension in exploring my research focus. At

the first stage, I used linguistic anthropology which

focuses on the concept of sameness and differences,

as well as ideology as the key elements in identity

investigation (Ahearne 2012). In addition, the

linguistic anthropology deals with the concept of

indexicality which provides the contingent social

categoriesof identity indirectly, which is associated

with an orientation of on going inetractions. Finally,

linguistic anthropology is equipped with an

indexical process to both cultural background and

identity(De Costa 2016; Mirhosseini 2017;

Silverman 2004). In addition, the present study also

employs sociocultural linguistic approach, which

was used for analyzing linguistics features on the

language used by Javanese youth. Furthermore,

multifaceted Javanese used in short stories

methodologically required linguistic dimensions

which could accommodate the richness of their

language. As the issues of globality, locality and

hybridity of Javanese are basically sociolinguistics

in nature, this present study also used its principles

in understanding how the sense of globalization,

localization and hybridization of Javanese was found

within its urban space as its sociolinguistic

landscape.

3.2 Data Source and Research

Instrument

The main data sources of the present study were two

nationally distributed Javanese magazines, namely

“Panjebar Semangat” and “Jaya Baya”. The first

magazine was founded by a well-known Indonesian

figure Dr. Soetomo on 2 September 1933 in

Surabaya. The earlier versions of the magazine had

been used as efforts for wrestling from Dutch

colonialism. Virtual access to this magazine can be

clicked from their web www.panjebarsemangat.co.id



in which the readers could access certain coverage

of the publications. Full access to the online

versions could only be gained through subscription.

The second magazine, ‘Jaya Baya’, was founded on

1 Desember 1945 but there was no particular

information on the founding fathers. Despite the

fact that technology has been used for

communicating with the consumers, the content of

the magazines were not virtually accessible.

The two magazines provided special spaces

of literary sections for their young consumers,

ranging from very young aged, teen and early adults

readers. However, the spaces for the first two

groups of readers were quite limited. Therefore, the

present study focused more on the last group of

readers and selected the short stories from

‘Romansa’ of ‘Jaya Baya’ and ‘Crita Cekak’ of

‘Panjebar Semangat’. The sections concern with the

youth’s lives in different sociocultural settings and

patterns. In terms of the contents, these short stories

fulfilled the requirements of literary works (Greaney

2006), methodological matters (Taylor et al. 2016;

Denzin & Lincoln 2018), and linguistic

considerations (Heller 2011; Harris & Rampton

2011; Ahearne 2012)

For gathering the needed data, the present

study subsequently required human as the research

instrument as the data were in the forms of written

texts, which were not possible to obtain through

observations, interviews or any other research

instruments. The hardcopy versions of 2017 and

January-June 2018 issues were selected considering

sufficient coverage and the freshness of the data.

3.3 Data Collection and Analysis

The stages of data collection and analysis were

simultaneously done in the following fashions.

Firstly, all the obtained short stories were read for

classifying them in accordance with the theme as the

mirror of their sociolinguistic contexts. Different

sociolinguistic landscapes could project different

cultural frames. Based on this, sociolinguistic

contexts might be potentially derived. Secondly, any

utterance which indicated representation of Javanese

youth’s identity construction were taken for further

analysis in determining the processes of their

identity construction within urban atmosphere. The

projections of sameness and differences as well as

indexicality were determined for locating the

identity construction. As the next stage, the whole

contexts of the stories were explored to obtain in

what sociolinguistic landscapes the vibrant nature

and glocality of Javanese youth emerged for

escorting their Javanese identity construction. The

results of the above analysis were discussed for

justifying the potential propositions. Conclusion and

recommendations were made on the basis of the

findings.

Contemporary Javanese Youth in Short Stories

645

4 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

The present study gathered the data from the special

sections of two Javanese magazines, ‘Romansa’ and

‘Cerita Cekak’ which provided short stories about

the youth. There were 72 short stories which were

then reduced into 42 short stories potential for

further analysis by considering varieties of

sociocultural patterns found on settings, plots,

theme, characters. The collected data showed that

the short stories from the two magazines include

quite diverse ranges of topics. The coverage of the

topics all concerns with the youth of life, especially

on love stories.

The settings of the stories can be categorized into

two broad areas, projections of life on academic and

non academic areas. Within academic spheres, the

stories explore the activities of university life,

students’ economical problems and students’

romances. To project students’ academic life, the

stories show how university students enjoy struggles

to perform their activities for attaining skills and

quality as global citizens. Economical problems

were rarely taken as the main theme but circulated

within other topics or themes. In many ways, social

problems were wrapped for endorsement of solving

economical difficulties. For non academic areas, the

topics were much richer in terms of the settings

where the stories took place; the characters travelled

from one site to others for narrating their identity

constructions in different stages of sociocultural

contexts, attached by particular semiotic mobility

(Blommaert 2017; Blommaert 2013).

The more detailed analysis revealed that the

youth’s life was projected within urban atmosphere,

which indicates how the youth perceived vibrant

surroundings as their imagined community (Dovchin

et al. 2018; Paradowski 2015; De Costa 2016).

Urban sociolinguistic landscapes were closely

associated with metropolitan contexts of big cities,

such as Jakarta or Yogyakarta. However, the two

cities were characterized by different features.

Yogyakarta was described as authentic Javanese,

genuinely traditional and undemanding life where

people from different geographical areas hunted for

higher quality of education. In contrast, Jakarta was

described as vibrant metropolitan and globalizing

world in which people having sufficient education

were seeking for better life. The differences between

the two metaphorically functioned as sequenced

narration of identity shifting from academic

struggles in Yogyakarta to the dynamically

challenging and contesting life of Jakarta. The two

spaces had clear-cut sociocultural functions which

portrayed the dynamic constructions of the youth’s

identity trajectory.

The socioeconomic background of the characters

might include both the lives of low and middle

levels. The low level was associated with

unfortunate persons from rural areas having low

educational background. This relation, however, did

not create a sort of stereotyping as the low people

were connected with other positive characteristics,

such as humble, highly motivated, and passionate.

The middle level was commonly referred to

economically stable families who were perceived as

the results of long struggles for overcoming their

poor life and difficult times. In some cases, being

middle class people was more challenging to

respond to the needs of lower class people; they

were expected to be more tolerant, open mind, and

helpful.

In addition, digital literacy became the essential

part of the youth. The shorts stories which situated

into both rural and urban contexts exposed how the

youth performed their digital literacy on their daily

interactions with different ranges of interlocutors.

Delivering their messages on social media

necessitated knowledge and skills of communication

technology, especially on the use of gadget and more

importantly language styles used on social media.

The emergence of code switchings from different

languages on their conversations clearly indicated

essential role of multilingualism awareness for

smoothness of their virtual interactions. This entails

other relevant aspects of language use which include

communication skills across culture and politeness.

It is interesting to note that exposing different

socioeconomic background was posited as the gate

for escorting the narration of being Javanese, who

were able to speak appropriate speech Javanese

levels for different social purposes despite their

multilinguality. The data from most short stories

highlighted the significant roles of Javanese as a part

of their contemporariness; how hard the youth had

been accommodating ‘others’ to be global citizens,

they put ‘self’ as the significant part of their identity

narration. From these data, it can be concluded that

the youth identity on short stories have been

successfully gone through stages of both

globalization and localization simultaneously

(Linares 2016; Blommaert 2008; Blommaert 2013).

5 CONCLUSIONS

From the above discussions, I can conclude several

points. First, the narration the youth identity

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eventually absorb the vibrant nature of urban spaces.

Metropolitan and hybridity of the spaces

substantiallywere treated as the signifiers of

globality within Indonesian contexts, which could be

treated as the features of the youth’s

contemporariness. Secondly, putting both academic

and non academic settings as the sociolinguistic

landscapes have created smooth bridge how the

youth contextualized their contemporariness on their

surroundings. This indicates cleverness of putting

their academic manner within realistic daily

interactions, by applying the principles of being

Javanese. Thirdly, as the millennial generation, the

youth in short stories also projects their digital

smartness in delivering their communication across

cultures. Being multilingual youth can be beneficial

in endorsing them become good global citizen.

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