Islam, Oligarchy and Sustainability in Local Indonesia:

A Case Study on Polluted Rivers in Banten Province

Ahmad Munjin

, Amsal Bakhtiar

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords:

Formal political rights, official positions, mobilization, coercive power, material power, wealth

power, elite, oligarchy, democracy, and sustainability.

Abstract: This study discusses the issue of polluted rivers in Banten Province in relation to the implication of policies

of the local administration. Some argue that the pollution resulted from the decision processes which were

not transparent and the abuse of industries in environmental policies. By applying a descriptive-analytic

method, the study discusses how the accused oligarchic local government of Banten had relation to the issue

of polluted rivers. The study finds that some permits of establishing industries in the province were not

examined rigorously, openly and objectively. This became possibly happened due to the agencies behind the

personals of the local government were from cronies who have a close relationship with the local authorities

or the oligarchies. These factual situations brought about less control over the industries’ sustainability

management.

1 INTRODUCTION

By referring to the Report of the World Commission

on Environment and Development: Our Common

Future, well known as The Brundtland Commission

Report 1987, sustainable development is defined as

"development that meets the needs of the present

without compromising the ability of future

generations to meet their own needs" (The

Brundtland Report, 1987). The global community has

started to talk about environmental issues since the

UN Conference on Environment in Stockholm,

Sweden, on June 15, 1972. However, throughout its

history, the main motive for oligarchic power is the

accumulation of wealth and lack of attention to such

environmental conservation issues.

In the context of local Indonesia, Tangerang City,

Tangerang Regency, and South Tangerang City are

the main areas in Banten Province which are the

buffer of Jakarta as the capital city of the country. The

three regions are filled with factories and industrial

centers so that their position is very strategic. The

availability of infrastructure facilitates the ongoing

economic transactions between provinces so as to

provide added value in accelerating economic growth

in Banten (Dinas LHK, 2013).

However, the rapid development in Banten

Province as one of the largest industrial estates in

Indonesia, has two contradictory impacts. On the one

hand, it produces significant economic growth and on

the other hand produces the potential for

environmental pollution which will damage the

balance of natural resources. In turn, it causes global

warming and climate change (Dinas LHK, 2013).

This study elaborates on three major themes in an

interdisciplinary manner, namely religion, politics,

and sustainability. Religion includes both actors and

doctrines, such as kiai (Islamic cleric) and verses of

the Holy Qur'an that are related to environmental

sustainability issues; Meanwhile, political aspect

includes oligarchic actors and their policies on

environmental preservation; and sustainability which

covers environmental sustainability issues and their

relationship with social, economic and political

aspects.

2 LITERATURE REVIEW

Researchers on sustainability, such as Grossman

and Krueger (1995), Lim (1997), Saboori and

Sulaiman (2013), Panayotou (2016), Li et al (2018),

and Raza and Shah (2018) find economic growth

activities always proportional reversed with the

quality of the environment -- the economy grows but

the environment is degraded. However, Grossman

and Krueger (1995) found that the phase of

842

Munjin, A. and Bakhtiar, A.

Islam, Oligarchy and Sustainability in Local Indonesia: A Case Study on Polluted Rivers in Banten Province.

DOI: 10.5220/0009918508420850

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 842-850

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

environmental improvement before a country's per

capita income reached US$8000. Likewise with Lim

(1997) and Li et al (2018) who also find a turning

point in environmental improvement occurs when

regulations and policies become more stringent.

Meanwhile, Hu (2017) found that both industrial

wastewater and industrial solid waste have a negative

impact on economic growth, but not industrial gas

waste. Weiwei Mo (2018) found, "..development of

high tech to be the best strategy to increase GDP

while imposing the least additional environmental

impacts."

In the Banten context, research on sustainability in

the province has been carried out by Apriyanto et al.

(2015). By using the Key Performance Indicators

(KPI), they found that the status of South Tangerang

City is still not fully sustainable but is still in the

starting stage. The contribution of each pillar

(economic, social and environmental) that exists

begins to show a balance.

However, based on a more detailed analysis, it is

known that the environmental pillars in this city are

vulnerable. If a scenario for protecting this pillar is

not carried out, especially in water and land resources

it is not impossible that the development of this city

can become unsustainable due to limitations. The

more land that is built, while the area of vegetation is

far from the standard. Waste generated by the

community and economic activities is increasing but

the management has not been carried out optimally

(Apriyanto et al., 2015).

These studies are concerned with economic and

environmental themes and have not connected them

yet with oligarchic power. This research will try to

contribute to the gap.

3 METHODOLOGY

By applying a descriptive-analytic method, The

methodology of this research is qualitative with

emphasis on the study of literature and

documentation. The primary data source in this study

was interviews with environmental experts. While the

secondary data sources are Banten Province

Environmental Status Data Book (SLHD) 2013-2017

issued by the Banten Provincial Environment and

Forestry Service and the Environmental Statistics of

the Central Statistics Agency (BPS). Other data

sources are books and journals. The data produced

from these sources is read using the "four spheres"

framework for sustainability theory which covers

four domains, namely economic, social,

environmental, and political. The political sphere

plays a role at the level of political-economic,

political-environmental, and social-political policies.

Finally, there is what is called the system interfaces

that include the environment-economy, social

economy, and social-environment (O'Connor, 2007).

In the political sphere, to distinguish the system of

oligarchic government from the elite in democracy,

researchers add power resource theory (Winters,

2011), namely formal political rights, official

positions, coercive power, mobilization, and material

power. Only the latter is a resource of oligarchic

power. The other four are elite power resources in the

domocratic system.

4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION

In this section, the researcher explained the

transformation of the power resources of both the kiai

(Islamic cleric) and the jawara in Banten briefly from

the colonial era to the reform era. The clerics survived

the status of their elite power while the Jawara

transformed their power resources from elite power to

the oligarchy. This wealth power at the end turned to

control the kiai's power resources, such as official

positions and mobilization.

4.1 Jawara Transformation from Elite

to Oligarchy

In the colonial era both kiai and jawara were elite

for the Banten community (Tihami, 1992). In the

social sphere (O'Connor, 2007), the two entities are

informal leaders (Argyres and Mui, 2000) who have

traditional authority and legitimacy (Budiardjo,

1991). In the political realm (O'Connor, 2007), their

most prominent elite power is mobilization (Winters,

2011). Among the indicators are the period of

mobilization by kiai and jawara to carry out several

rebellions (Darmadi, 2015).

The first, the rebellion opposed colonialists in the

19th century. The Kiai succeeded in mobilizing the

community to revolt like the peak of the peasant

uprising in Cilegon in 1888 led by Kiai Haji Wasid

(Tihami, 1992); The second, in 1888, several very

influential kiai controlled anti-Western sentiment

through their studies in Mecca. They led a large-scale

rebellion. According to Kartodirdjo (1966), the kiai

prepared and organized rebellions through

networking with their santri (students); and the third,

the kiai also played an important power in mobilizing

communist rebellion in Banten in 1926 as in Hamid

(2010) and Williams (1990).

While the official position of power in the colonial

era was shared by both the kiai and the jawara.

Among the evidence was the kiai as religious leaders

and champions as profane leaders, namely the village

government. Meanwhile, more coercive power is

Islam, Oligarchy and Sustainability in Local Indonesia: A Case Study on Polluted Rivers in Banten Province

843

owned by jawara. One reason is that jawara have a

kind of social power that allows them to violate the

rules of society at any time and bully by using their

powers when needed. All of that, is an elite power

resource for kiai and jawara (Munjin, 2018).

Therefore, in the colonial era, for oligarchic power

resources, both kiai and jawara did not have it. The

seeds of the oligarchy especially in the jawara had

indeed emerged since the colonial era because they

were anthropologically the richest group in society.

However, this wealth is not yet in the oligarch

category (Munjin, 2018).

The dynamics of the power of the kiai's power and

jawara in the Soekarno era (the Old Order) were not

much different from the conditions in the colonial era.

That is, the two informal leader entities both have

elite power resources and the seeds of oligarchic

power. The different ones are actors who face kiai and

jawara. In the colonial era, kiai and jawara faced off

with invaders who became common enemies, in the

Soekarno era they were dealing with the central

government. Results, kiai, jawara, and the central

government were more of a dialectical representation

of elite power than oligarchy (Munjin, 2018).

In the Soeharto era (the New Order), elite power

from kiai and jawara was actually co-opted and

utilized by the New Order regime with prominent

material and coercive power of the regime. In one

hand, the kiai elite power resource such as

mobilization was co-opted by the regime. In other

hand, the relationship of the regime with the jawara

was more economically profitable. This happened

because of the nature of the kiai as an elite while the

jawara acted as an oligarch. So, if the New Order

relationship with the kiai was limited to the context of

elite interests while the relationship with the jawara

also included the business context which is not for

kiai (Munjin, 2018).

In the era of the Reformation, both kiai and jawara

had the same power of mobilization. However, the

magnitude of the power of mobilization of the kiai is

still being used by politicians as happened in the New

Order era. Therefore, the power of the kiai was

fragmented into several political parties. The power

of mobilization of the kiai which is actually large is

weakened. Meanwhile, the power of jawara

mobilization actually gets an additional 'ammunition'

from three other power resources, namely: official

position, coercive and material power. The last two

powers of the jawara which have turned around to co-

opt the power of the kiai mobilization. One of the

concrete proofs is the co-optation of jawara against

Satkar Ulama. Above all, the kiai who were originally

teachers of the jawara were degraded along with the

magnitude of the jawara's oligarchic powers and

undermined the interests of politicians and their

parties (Munjin, 2018). The jawara oligarchic power

represents the economic and political realm

(O'Connor, 2007).

4.2 The Family of Jawara as Oligarchs

Oligarchy is the power carried out by the richest

citizens (Winters and Page, 2009). According to

Jeffrey A. Winters, oligarchs are formed and defined

when extreme wealth stratification occurs and is

maintained by oligarchs. There are two types of

defense, namely property defense and defense of

income through political channels. The term then

emerges, the politics of wealth defense. If you are in

direct power, the motive for the defense of wealth

becomes wider to other non-military power resource

motives. If power is behind the scenes, the motive for

power is merely the defense of wealth. If the

oligarchy is not tamed by law in a democratic system,

its power will lead to extreme material inequalities

and extreme political inequalities (Winters, 2011).

The government system that took place in Banten

province showed almost complete operation of the

oligarchy theory. The first, oligarchy is formed when

there is extreme material inequality (material

stratification). All data show these inequalities, such

as Gini Coefficient Ratio; Gross Regional Domestic

Product (GRDP) based on current prices according to

regencies/cities in Banten province (trillion rupiah) in

2012-2016; GRDP without industrial components

based on current prices according to regencies/cities

in Banten province (trillion rupiah) in 2012-2016;

Adjusted per capita expenditure according to

regencies/cities in Banten province (million

rupiah/year), 2013-2016; Per capita GRDP (million

rupiah) in Banten province in 2016; and the number

of poor people according to regencies/cities in Banten

province (thousand people) from 2013 to 2016. The

most extreme material stratification occurs between

Banten in the northern region, especially Tangerang

regency and Tangerang city and southern region,

Lebak regency and Pandeglang regency (Munjin,

2018).

Figure 1: Banten Province's Gini Index shows an upward

trend in inequality 2002-2016

0.33

0.360.36

0.37

0.34

0.37

0.42

0.4

0.38

0.39

0.42

0.390.39

2002

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

IndeksGini

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844

The second, material inequality creates

oligarchs and the oligarchic system. The family

members of Tb. Chasan Sochib was confirmed as

oligarchs in Banten.

Table 1: The extended family of Tubagus Chasan Sochib as

Oligarchs in Banten

No Names Positions

Ratu Atut Chosiyah

(daughter)

Deputy Governor of Banten 2002-

2007; Governor of Banten 2007-2012

and 2012-2017

Tubagus Haerul

Jaman (son)

Deputy Mayor of Serang Period

2008-2013; Mayor in Remaining

Period 2008-2013; Serang Mayor of

2013-2018.

Ratu Tatu Chasanah

(daughter)

Member of Banten Province DPRD

2009-2014; Serang Deputy Regent

2010 - 2015; and the Serang Regent

2016-2021.

Heryani (wife)

Member of Pandeglang DPRD 2009-

2014; Deputy Regent of Pandeglang

2011-2016.

Airin Rachmi Diany

(daughter in law)

Mayor of South Tangerang 2011-

2016 and 2016-2021

Hikmat Tomet (son in

law/Ratu Atut

Chosiyah's husband)

Members of Parliament 2009-2014

Andika Hazrumy

(grandchild)

Members of the 2009-2014 DPD;

2014-2019 DPR Members; and

Deputy Governor of Banten 2017-

2022.

Aden Abdul Khaliq

(son-in-law, husband

of Ratu Lilis

Karyawati)

Member of Banten Province DPRD

2009-2014; Tangerang Regent

Candidate Period 2013-2018.

Ratna Komalasari

(Wife/Stepmother of

Atut Chosiyah)

Members of the Serang City DPRD

2009-2014

Ade Rossi

Chairunnisa

(Granddaughter of

daughter-in-law, wife

of Andika Hazrumy)

Members of the Serang City DPRD

2009-2014; Deputy Chairperson of

Banten DPRD.

Tanto Warsono

Arban (The grandson

of the son-in-law,

Atut Chosiyah's son

in law)

Member of Banten Province DPRD

2014-2016; and Deputy Regent of

Pandeglang 2016-2021

Andiara Aprilia

Hikmat

(Granddaughter, Son

of Atut Chosiyah,

wife of Tanto

Warsono Arban)

DPD member from Banten 2014-

2019

The total family wealth as reported in the State

Organizers' Assets Report (LHKPN) to the

Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) divided

by Banten Province's 2016 per capita GRDP. This

family achieves oligarchy levels as evidenced by the

material power index (MPI) (Winters, 2011)

amounting to 6,355 times. Ratu Atut Chosiyah is the

largest material power holder with MPI at 5,943 times

(2006), 4,146 times (2011), and 3,487 times (2002);

The second rank is occupied by Airin Rachmi Diany

with MPI 4,421 times (2010), 2,489 times (2009), and

2,314 (2015); The third ranking was held by Heryani

with MPI 3,505 times (2010) and 1,550 times (2015);

Hikmat Tomet ranked fourth in 2,489 times (2009);

In fifth place, Andika Hazrumy 2,372 times (2009)

and 539,51 (2015). The names are in the category of

oligarchs because the index of material power is

above 2000 times compared to the average

community in their respective regions (Munjin,

2018).

The rest are under 1000 times so that they are not

defined as oligarchs, like Aden Abdul Khaliq in the

number 613.3 times (2012); Aprilia Andi Hikmat in

the position of 489.61 times (2014); Tanto Warsono

Arban at position 415.8 times (2014); Tubagus

Haerul Jaman at 282.31 times (2008), 78.51 times

(2013), 407.19 times (2016) and 407.01 times (2016);

and Ratu Tatu Chasanah at 378.16 times (2010) and

200.9 times (2015). So, of the 12 members of the

Chasan Sochib family, two of them did not fulfill

their obligation to report the LHKPN to the KPK so

that only 10 of them could trace the amount of their

material power resources. Of these 10, five were

confirmed and defined as oligarchs. While the rest, do

not qualify to be defined as the oligarchs (Munjin,

2018).

However, if the total is the result of the total

nominal value of the last LHKPN of each Tubagus

Chasan Sochib family member, excluding Ratna

Komalasari and Ade Rossi Chairunnisa, the wealth of

Tubagus Chasan Sochib's extended family reported to

the KPK reached Rp268,920,388,401. After being

divided by Banten province's GDP per capita in 2016

valued at Rp. 42,310,000, the champion family's

material power index was 6,356 times (Munjin,

2018).

In this context, Chasan Sochib's family is

categorized as an oligarch because of the material

stratification compared to ordinary people far above

2000 times. Thus, if seen by individuals, almost half

are in the category of oligarchs. But, if generalized,

namely one large family, they are all defined as

oligarchs. The oligarchs are certainly not just those

families in Banten. In this study, the Ratu Atut

Chosiyah clan was only one sample. They were

proven to create an oligarchic system of government

because their resources were supported by wealth

Islam, Oligarchy and Sustainability in Local Indonesia: A Case Study on Polluted Rivers in Banten Province

845

power that had been built since the beginning of the

New Order regime (Munjin, 2018).

The third, they are also confirmed as politico

business oligarchy (Robison and Hadiz, 2004) and

carry out property defense politics (Winters, 2011).

After the company of Tb. Chasan Sochib has a

network with power in the New Order era, the project

was abundant so it became a money machine. The

money was used to build a network of both business

and politics. The arrival of the reform era, both money

and network capital provided space for family

members of Tb. Chasan Sochib to rule through

democratic channels. It is here that there is a political

defense of wealth. Through their power they get the

projects of their company, and the money produced is

used for political mobilization. Likewise the opposite.

Unmitigated, they also intervene in the law. There is

what is called the treasure defense regime because the

motive for oligarchic power is wealth based on the

enforcement of claims against property rights.

The fourth, the Banten case proves the effect of

oligarchy, in which extreme material inequality

creates extreme political inequality as well. The

material power index of 6,355 times which shows

sharp inequality compared to the ordinary people has

triggered the dominance of their political power. Of

the four regencies and four cities in Banten province,

only Lebak Regency and Tangerang city have not

fallen into the hands of the Ratu Atut Chosiyah

dynasty (Munjin, 2018).

4.3 Oligarchy versus Sustainability in

Banten

The literature on oligarchy and democracy usually

sees it as two mutually closed political rules. Winters

and Page actually see it as compatible and often even

fusing. Both disagree with the view, rich people

dominate all aspects of politics (Winters and Page,

2009). In a democratic formal political system,

Dahlian pluralistic struggles (Dahl, 1982) are even

segmented (not general and revolutionary). Various

mass mobilizations may voice many issues, such as

race, feminism, gay, ethnicity, religion, morality,

weapons, or the environment. These issues are very

important for most ordinary citizens in a democratic

system. However, for oligarchs, these issues are very

limited and are cross-sectoral concerns (Winters and

Page, 2009).

Environmental issues lacking attention in

oligarchic government became the entry point of this

research. Interface systems, one of which shows

environmental-economic reciprocal relationships

(O'Connor, 2007). The Banten Provincial

Government as in Dinas LHK (2013, 2014, 2015, and

2017) reported, during 2013-2017, the Banten

industrial area had two conflicting impacts. On the

one hand it produces significant economic growth but

on the other hand produces the potential for

environmental pollution. This proposition is in line

with Singh Ahuti's findings, that the use of machinery

and factories led to mass production, which in turn led

to the development of numerous environmental

hazards.

Doctrinally, the Qur'an surah Rum (30): 41 has

launched damage on earth due to acts humankind. In

Surah Sad (38): 27, Allah SWT negates the creation

of sky and earth and what is between them in vain. In

Al-A‘raf (7): 56 contains a prohibition on doing

damage on the earth after (created) well. On the other

hand, Allah also told humans to carry out economic

activities, "Spread on the face of the earth," as in

Surah Al-Jumu'ah (62): 10. At the same time, as in

Surah Hud (11): 61, Allah commanded prosperity of

the earth that can be interpreted as sustainability.

The alarming environmental damage in Banten is

summed up in a clear light on the low quality and

quantity of water in the flow of Cisadane River,

Cidurian River, Ciujung River, and Cidanau River.

The main indicators are very high water flow

fluctuations, flooding in the rainy season and drought

in the dry season. Poor water quality reflects pollution

from industrial and domestic (household) waste in

addition to air quality.

If you look at the water quality in these rivers, the

trend has deteriorated recorded since 2012 until 2017.

In 2012, of the 10% parameters monitored such as

Dissolved Oxygen (DO), Total Iron (Fe), Suspended

Substances (TSS), Total Coli, Chemical Oxygen

Demand (COD), Nitrite (NO2), Permanganate

(KMnO4) and E. Coli, quality does not meet the class

II water quality criteria Government Regulation (PP)

Number 82 of 2001 (Dinas LHK, 2013).

Of the 41 parameters taken in the upstream area of

7 rivers (Cidanau, Ciliman, Cilemer, Cibanten,

Ciujung, Cidurian, and Cisadane) as many as 12

(twelve) times the monitoring period carried out by

the Banten Province Environmental Agency every

month from January to December, there are 90% (37

parameters) that meet the quality standards. Almost

all sampling points in the upstream area indicate mild

polluted water conditions. While in the central area it

shows moderate polluted water conditions because

there were 82% of the 35 parameters meeting the

quality standards. What's worse is that the

downstream areas are heavily polluted because only

60% of the 29 parameters meet the quality standard,

40% do not meet the quality standards (Dinas LHK,

2013).

In 2014, monitoring of river water quality carried

out by BLHD in 4 main rivers, namely Cidurian,

Cisadane, Cibanten, Ciujung with 24 sampling points

showed the results that the average of the 4 measured

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846

parameters exceeded the standard quality limit. The

four parameters are suspended solids (TSS), BOD,

COD, and Total Coliform (Dinas LHK 2014).

Likewise in 2015, on 5 main rivers, namely Cidurian,

Cisadane, Cibanten, Ciujung and Cirarab with 32

sampling points showed the average results of 6

parameters, namely TSS, BOD, COD, DO, Sulphate

and Fecal Coliform which were measured to exceed

the standard quality limit (Dinas LHK, 2015).

In SLHD 2017, monitoring of 2016 water quality

is carried out in 5 rivers, namely: Cisadane, Cidurian,

Ciujung, Ciranten and 7 rivers in 2017, namely

Cisadane, Cidurian, Ciujung, Cirarab, Cibanten,

Cilemer, and Simanceuri. Each river has a minimum

of 6 monitoring points which are taken at least 2 times

a year. Parameters assessed in the water quality index,

namely TSS, DO, COD, BOD, Phosphate, Total

Coliform and E. Coli/Fecal Coli (Dinas LHK, 2017).

In 2016 and 2017 monitoring, SLHD did not report

the results. The frequency and monitoring points were

not as frequent and as much as those carried out in

2012. This could be due to the reason for the severity

of pollution that did not change or was worse in the

2012-2017 period. Based on personal interviews with

Lina Tri Mugi Astuti, Environmental Observer from

the Indonesian Environment Scientist Association, in

Jakarta, Monday, September 17 2018,

"...sustainability requires a balance between social,

economic and environmental space. There is a

tendency in the regions to hide data or inconsistency

in reporting data pollution because they do not want

the area to be labeled as bad.In terms of industry,

some companies in Cilegon Banten have met ISO

14000 sustainable standards. It's just that, for

industries in the MSME segment it has not been

standardized."

In terms of policy domains (O'Connor, 2007) in

Banten, there was a conflict of interests between

political spheres and environmental spheres. In terms

of policy, the relationship between the two domains

should have been deliberative. When in power, Ratu

Atut Chosiyah delegated authority to her younger

brother, Tb. Chaeri Wardana got the nickname, head

of the Private Position and Rank Consideration

Agency (Baperjakat). It shows his role as an oligarch

behind the scenes. He also runs a wealth defense

policy (Winters, 2011).

Tb. Chaeri Wardana determines the placement of

echelon II, III and IV officials in almost all Banten

Provincial Government Work Units (SKPD). It

shows a conflict of interests in political-

environmental relations in policy domains

(O'Connor, 2007). Because, these officials are related

to environmental problems and feel they have debt.

Among other things, Bina Marga and Spatial

Planning offices; Public health Office; Education

authorities; Office of Water Resources and

Settlements; Mining and Energy Service; Agriculture

and Animal Husbandry Service; Department of

Marine and Fisheries; and Forestry and Plantation

Services (Dami, 2013).

Another environmental problem is critical land.

Until 2013, the area of critical land was not

documented (Dinas LHK, 2013). Only in 2014,

Banten province had a record of the land with an area

of 104,103.01 Ha (Dinas LHK, 2014). Most of them

are located in Pandeglang Regency (44%), Lebak

Regency (31%) and Tangerang Regency (14%). In

2015, it was identified Pandeglang District had the

largest critical land area, namely 33,379 Ha.

Meanwhile, according to the 2015 BPS data, the

only area that has very critical land area is Lebak

Regency with an area of 2,057 hectares. This is due

to the fact that Pandeglang and Lebak Districts also

have geographical conditions, most of which are still

forest areas. However, the area cannot be utilized

optimally, so it is found that a number of areas have

turned into critical land and lost their functions (Dinas

LHK, 2015). In 2017, Lebak Regency actually has the

largest critical land area of 127,170.97 ha, followed

by Pandeglang with an area of 95,851.56 hectares

(Dinas LHK, 2017). Then, the problem is of forest

destruction. As with land, forests in Banten Province

also suffered damage. The main cause was forest

encroachment which mostly occurred in the upstream

areas of the river as happened in 2013 (Dinas LHK,

2013). In 2014, encroachment resulted in 21,192

hectares of forest damage, 1,003.57 hectares in 2015

(Dinas LHK, 2015) and 21,192 hectares in 2017

(Dinas LHK, 2017).

Regarding the implementation of rehabilitation

and conservation, the Banten Province Forestry and

Plantation Office has planted approximately

8,235,414 trees (2008), 11,056,780 stems (2009) and

13,810,280 stems (2010) (Dinas LHK, 2013). In

2014, more than 16,000,000 stems (Dinas LHK,

2014) and 12,768,111 stems in 2015. These efforts

continue to be carried out and improved from year to

year related to the existence of government programs,

namely: one single one tree (Dinas LHK, 2015).

Unfortunately, tree planting in 2016 was not recorded

and in 2017 the number decreased to 1,535,454 stems

with a land area of 3,267 ha (Dinas LHK, 2017).

In terms of policy domains which are the

relationship of the political-environmental domain

(O'Connor, 2007), environmental problems have

been anticipated by the Banten Provincial

Government. According to the Dinas LHK (2013,

2014, 2015, and 2017), this was stated in the strategic

issue of the Regional Medium Term Development

Plan (RPJMD) of Banten Province 2012-2017. This

then became one of the Banten Provincial

Government's missions to develop regional or

regional infrastructure and the environment. The

Islam, Oligarchy and Sustainability in Local Indonesia: A Case Study on Polluted Rivers in Banten Province

847

strategy is to improve water and air pollution control

from industry and domestic; Increase disaster

mitigation and climate change adaptation; Turning

disaster-prone areas into disaster free areas (floods,

droughts, garbage, landslides, and other disasters);

Increasing the participation of forest village

communities in securing forest areas through efforts

to rehabilitate and conserve natural resources and the

environment; Rehabilitation and conservation of

natural resources and the environment through the

movement of critical land rehabilitation (GRLK); and

Improving protected area management.

In the environmental sphere (O'Connor, 2007), of

the many priority issues in Banten, few are focused

and addressed. In 2013, the provincial government

raised seven priority issues and even without handling

them. The seven issues are low waste management

services; increasing pollution of air, land, water, sea,

B3 and B3 waste; increasing volume of domestic and

industrial wastewater; occurrence of inconsistencies

in plans with spatial use; still weak enforcement of

environmental laws and community participation;

declining quality and quantity of raw water resources

(rivers, lakes and springs); and increased land damage

and degradation of forestry resources (Dinas LHK,

2013). Of the seven environmental issues in the 2012-

2017 RPJMD which became a priority issue in 2014

(Dinas LHK, 2014) and 2015 (Dinas LHK, 2015)

were increasing air, land, water, sea and B3 waste

pollution.

In 2017, in accordance with the Banten Province

RPJMD adding environmental issues to 12 priorities,

namely: Not increasing yet Water Quality Index; The

low air quality index; There is still a lack of area for

rehabilitating forests and land; Not optimal function

of forests and protected areas; Lack of compliance

with business or activities with regard to legislation

and permit conditions; The low level of community

participation in environmental protection; There is

still a lack of industry compliance with Waste Water

Quality Standards and Air Emissions; Not maximized

yet utilization of applied technology in the forestry

sector; There is still a lack of stability in the

administration and guidance of forestry industry;

Lack of control over the use of forest areas; The lack

of public awareness in environmental management;

and not increasing yet functions of forests and

protected areas (Dinas LHK, 2017).

Of the dozens of priority issues, most of them are

mere inventory status. Handling is only visible in

2014 (Dinas LHK, 2014) and 2015 (Dinas LHK,

2015). It only focuses on one priority issue, namely

increasing air, land, water, sea and B3 waste

pollution. The reason for the selection of one priority

issue in 2014 and 2015, the first is the calculation of

daily anthropogenic solid waste for the Banten

Province is estimated to be around 9,040,116/m3/

year. Not to mention the pollution material comes

from the rush of traffic flow, to the production

activities of a number of medium and large industries.

Everything produces waste and pollution which

increases every year.

Diverse sources of pollution in both land and

water ecosystems cause a decrease in environmental

quality. So far, what can be monitored by the Banten

Province BLHD is the quality of the rivers and the

rivers. The results of monitoring the main river water

quality in Banten Province show the condition of

heavily polluted river water. Then, in monitoring air

quality, a number of regions experienced an increase

in the number of pollutants due to industrial

production activities and also the rush of traffic flow,

especially in big cities.

The second is the pressure factor. With a population

of 11,452,491 people as in the Dinas LHK (2014 and

2015), Banten Province has complex activities. A

number of regions have also experienced a large

number of large-scale industries, especially those

with large solid, liquid and B3 wastes such as textiles,

wood, steel, and chemicals industries. One example

is Hendra Triana, a man born in Bandung but raised

in Cilegon, Banten next to PT Krakatau Steel Tbk.

Triana is a child of Ahmad, one of the retired

employees of the State-Owned Enterprises (BUMN)

PT Krakatau Steel Tbk. In addition to the potential to

produce B3 waste, according to Triana, this steel

company is suspected of lacking attention to the lives

of people in economic-social interfaces, especially

sanitation problems. Many people around the factory

still do latrines on the land so that they pollute the

environment. In addition, in terms of waste, many

companies using jawara as a checker to protect their

waste. It became worse becauce this behavior is

backed by the local government with the reason to

empower local people. Repeatedly changing the

police chief trying to disturb the problem of waste,

always failed. Then, in terms of religious behavior,

some people in Cilegon still believe that swallowing

saliva while fasting cancels the worship. So that, the

environment is being polluted. This shows the

negative relationship between social-environmental

interfaces (O'Connor, 2007).

The large number of population is also directly

proportional to the energy needs (social-economic

interfaces), the reduction of the area of natural forest

areas, and the increasing daily waste of society

(social-environmental interfaces). Even to

compensate for the economic conditions of the

community which are demanded to be more

prosperous, exploration of biological resources will

still be carried out to meet the increasingly diverse

needs of the community and of course will have an

impact on increasing carbon emissions and waste

products.

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848

Responding to these conditions, one of the

concerns of the Banten provincial government is the

effort to create a healthy housing and settlement

environment through the Program of Pencanangan

Lingkungan Sehat Pemukiman dan Kampung

Merah Putih. For this reason, in 2011, the

Department of Water Resources and Settlements

(SDAP) has budgeted more than Rp40 billion for

implementation in 8 regencies/cities. The activities

for providing clean water infrastructure and facilities

are allocated Rp18 billion (Chosiyah, 2011).

In 2014 and 2015, the provincial government

made various efforts to bring awareness to all levels

of society in protecting the environment. More than

30,000 trees have been planted along the green forest

program in 2014 (Dinas LHK, 2014) and 2015 (Dinas

LHK, 2015) which reached more than 50 hectares.

Likewise with the Adiwiyata school program which

continues to be encouraged as an effort to foster the

spirit of protecting the environment for students. A

total of 14 schools have been recorded as national

Adiwiyata schools throughout 2014 and 2015.

Unfortunately, for 2016-2017, there are no reports

from the department regarding the program.

5 CONCLUSION

This study aims to examine how much the oligarchic

authorities care about sustainability. Based on the

data presented above, their efforts in resolving

environmental pollution problems are still far smaller

than the magnitude of the problem. However, they

have succeeded in inventorying environmental

problems even though there are still inconsistencies

in presenting data and mitigating efforts. If the

government in Banten province fails to follow up on

priority issues that they have made, pollution will

worsen and threaten economic, social and

environmental sustainability in the three spheres of

sustainability. The Banten case shows that economic

activity is always followed by environmental

degradation.

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