Attitudes and Practices by the Muslim Society towards
Environmental Issues: A Singapore Model
Masayu Fatimah Azzahrah
1
, Masayu Mashita Maisarah
1
and M. Qomarul Huda
1
1
UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta
Keywords: Environment, Sustainability, Religiosity, Muslim Singapore
Abstract: Relations between religion and sustainability has been discussed and documented widely throughout multiple
countries. However, few pieces of research have been done in Singapore to determine the involvement of
minority Muslim Singapore regarding earth conservation. By applying the descriptive qualitative procedure,
the study tended to deal with this gap in two different ways: firstly, to portray an outline of Singaporean
environmental perspectives and behaviours in general; and secondly, to identify the possibility of Muslims
Singapore on contributing in earth conservation. The paper attempts to explain the attitudes and practices of
the Muslim society in Singapore regarding environmental issues.
1 INTRODUCTION
Environmental problems are outspoken
worldwide nowadays due to the effects of
environmental degradation. Deforestation, air
pollution, water pollution and other issues related
have pushed the earth beyond its limits with an
exponential increase in world population, which
becomes a global challenge that requires a global
solution. Countless declarations have called for
changes in human activities that would harm the
environment less. Many possible keys for
transforming human behavioural direction have been
put forward. Notions on planned behaviour, norm
activation theory, the value-belief norm model, and
the focus theory of normative conduct have been
proposed as succinct models of environmental-
friendly concern and behaviour. Simultaneously, the
self-reported environmental concern often does not
decipher to the actual environmental-friendly
behaviour (Swim, et al., 2011). As stated in Grifford
(2011), this reality occurs partly because of as many
as 30 psychological barriers to behaviour change have
been described; the brief concepts and models may
help to capture important portions of the
manageability in environmental concern and
behaviour, yet a full account should incorporate an
expansive scope of social and political influences.
Different studies have tried to identify variables
that either foster or prevent environmental-friendly
attitude. In one pioneering study by Van Liere and
Dunlap (1980), age, sex, income, education,
occupational prestige, residence, political party, and
political ideology found to be associated with
environmental concern. In a recent review paper,
Gifford & Nilsson (2014) identified 18 variables from
personal and social factors associated with
environmental concern. The role of ‘religion’ among
those factors was considered significant, yet it was
uncertain whether increasingly religious practice
entailed progressively conservational concern or less.
A study by Chuvieco et al. (2016) depicts above
argumentation. With a result that the relevance of
religion to explain environmental quality is poor
compared to other controlling factors, such as
economic or social development; the paper concluded
as “… no religion can be considered statistically
friendlier to the environment, at least in consideration
of effective policies that improve environmental
quality. The religion should be associated with all
others to explain final environmental performance.”
Based on this finding, questions can be raised: to what
extent are religions bearing on environmental issues?
How do religious beliefs affect a person’s
environmental stance and conduct?
Palpably the above questions have been discussed
and documented throughout multiple countries
regarding the relations between religion and the
environment. Yet, to an extent the study on Singapore
setting is missing regardless of the nation-state being
home to multireligious traditions. Undeniably that
Singapore is an interesting exploration site in light of
the fact that within it lays a crossing point among
modernity and tradition: Singapore adheres to an
Fatimah Azzahrah, M., Mashita Maisarah, M. and Huda, M.
Attitudes and Practices by the Muslim Society towards Environmental Issues: A Singapore Model.
DOI: 10.5220/0009919208850892
In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 885-892
ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
885
advancement approach that centres on monetary
development and instrumental rationality, yet allows
its people to participate in religious activities with
certain degrees of autonomy.
With no intention to extend the discussion on
Singapore’s advantages; the nation has been criticised
for rapid development into an urban nation over the
last 30 years that neglected the natural environment,
which ranked the country as the ‘worst environmental
offender among 179 countries’ (Vaughan, 2010). On
the other hand, as reported by Singapore’s National
Climate Change Secretariat’s Climate Change Public
Perception Survey, it shows that over a third of
respondents in Singapore believed that their
individual actions would not have any kind of effect
to climate change (Tan, 2018). Concerning these
matters, a study will conduct to identify Singaporeans
viewpoints and behaviours towards environmental
issues particularly from a minority Muslim
perspective. Malay-Muslim Singapore was selected
with a purpose to determine the involvement of
minority Muslim Singapore regarding earth
conversation.
2 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 The Concept of Sustainability: An
Overview
Sustainability has long been topics of public debate,
particularly when it related to social movement and
the politics of the environment. From its brief history,
environmentalism evolved in three distinct stages:
from nineteenth-century when preservationist
seeking to protect areas of wilderness and natural
beauty, to an interwar concern with urbanization and
conservation, and finally, into the post-1950s mass
environmental movement. Shortly, the
environmentalism transformed in the 1960s inspired
and influenced by the other social movements of the
period, which emphasized the negative impacts of
pollution on ecosystems and human health, and
encouraged radical direct action and a quality of life
approach to environmental politics (Hancock,
2018:19). This movements, according to Timberlake
(1984), have impacted the changing view of
‘environment’ itself; from the preservation of natural
life and pristine wilderness, to grasp such issues:
exhaustion of non-renewable resources, depletion of
species, squander, unequal distribution of assets,
monetary development, urbanization, uniformity of
industrial life, the non-sustainability of the modern
culture, the control of science over other approaches
to deal with information, the disintegration of local
cultures and the general powerlessness of the planet
to support present rates of industrial and populace
development. Hence, a definition was given in the
Brundlandt report (1987) mentioned that
sustainability is ‘development that meets the needs of
the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs.’
Based on above definition, sustainability can be
identified when a state with social harmony,
environmental wellness and economic prosperity or
the so-called ‘three main pillar of sustainability’,
concurrently exist in harmony. But how to
synchronize this three components? Obviously, there
is no single model of sustainable development works
for all countries. Each country must adopt solutions
to fit their specific circumstances and priorities. But
sustainable development is not a solo mission. It is a
collective goal and a country has much to learn from
each other’s experiences.
From a Singapore outlook, sustainability has
dependably been indispensable to the record.
Singapore venture towards sustainability began
during the 1960s before ecological issues turned into
a worldwide concern. Singapore was a juvenile
country confronting high joblessness with an
incompetent work drive, predominantly living in
urban slums that needed sanitation and the help of
sufficient public infrastructure. Nevertheless,
Singapore pioneers at that period made intense
inquiries to guarantee long-term sustainability. The
founding Prime Minister, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, stated
that, “I have always believed that a blighted urban
jungle of concrete destroys the human spirits. We
need the greenery of nature to lift up our spirits.”
(Singapore National Review Report,
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/). Hence, two
years after independence in 1967, Singapore launched
the Garden City programme with a vision to make
Singapore a highly liveable city filled with greenery.
Thus, Singapore’s sustainability efforts can be
refined into an efficient system that pioneers can
apply to their own urban communities. In its quest for
sustainable development, Singapore has held three
steady results. Competitive economics have attracted
investment and provided employment. besides that
the existence of a sustainable environment can help
developing cities, even though the available natural
resources are limited, in terms of land and fresh water
and quality of life. (Singapore Sustainability
Blueprint, https://www.mewr.gov.sg/). These results
are not generally at chances; solutions to accomplish
one outcome can make open doors for another.
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2.2 Singapore Environmental
Sustainability
Looking back, the reason that transformed Singapore
from a small city to environmentally sustainable is the
role of government in communicating the vision. The
Singapore government has constantly clarified to
people in general that the national priority placed to
the environment. The first yearly ‘Keep Singapore
Clean’ campaign was launched in October 1968 by
the Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, to educate all
Singaporeans on the importance of keeping shared
public spaces clean. This yearly battle went up against
an extra measurement in 1971 with the launch of Tree
Planting Day. A long way from being only one day in
a year, Tree Planting Day symbolized the
government’s vision for Singapore to be transformed
into a tropical garden city – both clean and green
and turn into a tradition panning for the following
twenty years. In 1990, the first Clean and Green Week
(CGW) was launched, incorporating both to Keep
Singapore Clean campaign and tree-planting
activities. The campaign educates each individual
about not making roads, waterways and public places
dirty (Soon, et al., 2016:5).
Another reason was related to strict law
enforcement. Based on a reality that regardless of
how fruitful public education initiatives may be, there
will constantly be a little gathering of people who
remain recalcitrant. In 1968, the Ministry of Health
carries out its battle against litterbugs through the
Environmental Health Public Act (EHPA). The Act
in its fourteen sections covers all fields of natural
wellbeing. Specifically Part 3 (Public Cleansing), it
manages with the cleansing of the street, the
collection and removal of refuse, and the cleanliness
of ‘public places’. Comprehensive provisions against
littering and the disposal of refuse in the public places
were introduced. To accomplish the ideal results of
enhancing public cleanliness, strict legislative
provisions accompanied by equally serious
enforcement. The combination of anti-littering laws
with fines as penalties and the series annual ‘Keep
Singapore Clean’ campaigns, and the Corrective
Work Order (CWO) in place of a hefty fine, have
helped reduce the littering problem to a large extent
(2016:22). Other than littering, vandalism, chewing
gum, smoking, urinating in elevators, not flushing
toilet was other environmental issues related that
become Singapore’s concern on keeping the city safe
and clean.
Further reason regarding the Singapore successful
story on environmental sustainability is that
Singapore applying economic principles to
environmental policy. There are four key zones in
which financial matters has assumed a key role in
managing environmental policy: (i) in deciding
between which projects or options to implement; (ii)
in setting appropriate prices or user fees; (iii) when
introducing market competition; and (iv) how market
failures should be dealt with (2016:45).
Notwithstanding the economics, to quicken the
development of the environmental industry and to
keep up Singapore’s image as a City in a Garden, the
government additionally started a few subsidizing
and motivating force plans related to energy
efficiency, clean energy, green buildings, water and
environmental technologies, green transport and
shipping, waste minimization, energy and greenhouse
gas management, and environmental initiatives and
training. Based on a compilation by Singapore
Sustainability Alliance, presently, Singapore has 72
groups that are doing work related with the
environment; and 35 government funding and
incentives for the environment (Singapore
Sustainability Alliance, http://ssa.sbf.org.sg/).
Singapore is certifiably not a green ideal world
with zero carbon emissions, extensive scale
sustainable energy sources, or cutting edge zero-
energy buildings. As Singapore is in the Inter-tropical
Convergence Zone (ITCZ), its air composition and
climate are vigorously affected by the breezes that
bring mists and air from the northern and southern
halves of the globe and natural and anthropogenic
activities within the region. The activities such as
land-use change and the related exercises in peat-
terrains would add to Singapore’s air quality through
trans-boundary transport, notwithstanding nearby
emanation sources. Moreover, Singapore’s
geography is generally level, with most land under
than 15 meter above sea level. Subsequently, this
low-lying, densely populated country in profoundly
defenceless against climate change effects (National
Environmental Agency, https://www.nea.gov.sg/).
Addressing this matter, in 2007, the Singapore
government commissioned a Climate Change Study
to investigate Singapore’s defencelessness on climate
change. The specialists give a projection of climate
change effects, i.e. changes in temperature, sea level
and rainfall patterns in Singapore in the following
century, and the impact of such effects, including
increased flooding and impacts on water resources
(National Climate Change Secretariat,
https://www.nccs.gov.sg/). By result, Singapore
pledged to reduce the Emissions Intensity (EI). The
government through the National Environment
Agency (NEA) actively promotes energy efficiency
in the industry, household, and public sectors through
legislation, incentives, and public education. In
addition, set yearning focuses under 2030 pledge, and
meeting them will require purposeful endeavours by
Attitudes and Practices by the Muslim Society towards Environmental Issues: A Singapore Model
887
the administration, organizations, family units and
people. These schemes are laid out in the Climate
Action Plan: Take Action Today, For a Carbon-
Efficient Singapore (National Climate Change
Secretariat, 2016).
2.3 Sustainability and Islam
An interesting polls result sponsored by the Pew
Forum Research shows that in contrast to abortion,
gay marriage and other hot-button cultural issues,
there is a fairly strong consensus across faith
traditions on environmental policy. Protecting the
environment become a priority after terrorism, the
economy, health care and education across the
religious spectrum (Pew Research Centre,
http://www.pewforum.org/). This result accentuated
that religion concerned with environmental issues. By
principle, religious belief should be a strong
motivation for environmental concern, as religions
provide a cosmological view on how humans should
relate to other creatures. Even more important,
religious practices foster a moderate living, restricting
consumerism.
Sustainability has a strong relation with
religiosity, especially Islam. The basis of
environmental protection in Islam is found in the
notion that God created the world and set human
beings in it to appreciate and painstakingly use it;
environmental parity and sustainable care of nature
are encouraged (Deen, 2012:299). Proceeding with
the subject of stewardship and trusteeship (khilafah),
individuals are allowed to appreciate the products of
the earth, yet the earth must not be demolished for
their descendants: ‘Individuals ought not manhandle,
abuse, or distort the natural resources as each
generation is entitled to benefit from them yet is not
qualified for “possess” them in an flat out sense’.
Being caring to creatures is an ‘article of faith’ in
Islam. Like humans, other living creatures have
comparative rights to exist and flourish in this planet,
and individuals are ‘commended’ with a
responsibility to protect the environment and caring
for the earth (Saniotis, 2011; Islam, 2012).
This above clarification shows that mankind in the
world is not solely obligated as Allah’s steward on the
earth, yet likewise be considered responsible in the
hereafter if there is any straying. Every single
generation is obliged to enhance the condition in
which preceding generations have left the earth. No
generation has a privilege to contaminate the earth in
a way that exhausts its assets and degrades its
biological systems. Hence, Muslims are religiously
compelled to manage the environment wisely
manifesting their trusteeship to Allah. In so doing, it
charts an environmental ethic and morality in Islam
that melds human attitudes towards the environment.
3 METHODOLOGY
As an attempt to gather information on the attitudes
and practices of Muslim Singapore toward nature,
this study framed by a qualitative approach: a method
that uses the natural setting as the direct source of data
and the researcher as the key instrument (Rossman &
Rallis, 1998). Such research involves a range of well-
defined, through variable methods: informal
interviews, direct observation, analyses of
documentation by surveying a number of relevant
libraries.
3.1 Naturalistic Observation
The investigation utilized a participant observation
technique, in which the observers partake in the
activities of the subjects. The primary information for
the study is accumulated from an intensive fieldwork
that occurred over than two weeks, from August 21 -
September 4, 2018. The object of research was varied,
consists of: 3 mosques, 1 madrasah, 1 public school,
1 wet market, 1 shopping centre; which located at
different part of Singapore.
3.2 Informal Interviews
In selecting respondent, a purposive sampling
technique was utilized to the preferred subjects due to
specific attributes. We ended up by having interview
with 12 muslimah from category: 3 elders, 5 students,
2 teachers, and 2 housewives. The little number is due
to the limit time and inaccessibility to be piece of our
respondent in the interview, some of them were
rejected and a few acknowledged our demand.
In this paper, the reference to ‘Muslim Singapore’
are refers to Malay–Muslims. The Indian Muslims
and Muslims from the ‘Other’ category are not
included due to time.
3.3 Documentation
Finally, as an essential technique to break down the
examination issue, bibliographical or library research
is completed by reviewing number of significant
libraries from which, books, articles, containing early
discoveries are acquired.
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4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Muslim Singapore Religious
Attitudes towards Nature
In quest of examining through deep search on
religions and environment on literature, the authors
have only found two papers related with Muslim
Singapore context.
Firstly, a book chapter written by Sofiah Jamil
(2009:119) emphasized on the need to promoting
environmentalism within Singapore’s Muslim
community based on her preliminary attitudinal
responses amongst Singapore’s Muslim youths in
Islamic environmentalism. Focusing on climate
change issues, the author analysed the perceptions of
on-the-street Singapore’s Muslim youths toward
Islamic environmentalism. The author found that only
60% of Singapore’s Muslim youths considered them
to be environmentally friendly; 50% never heard of
Islamic environmentalism; while another 27% were
unsure about it. From this outcome, respondents that
positively made up approximately 23%, who cited
cleanliness, no wastage, and man’s responsibilities
and role as the steward on earth as the main tenets of
Islamic teachings on the environment. An
overwhelming 78% agreed that Muslims would be
more environmentally friendly if their religious
leaders advocated the importance of caring for the
environment; 89% noted that they would like to see
more done by their religious leaders in promoting
environmental awareness; and 77% respond
positively to the question: ‘Can Singapore Muslim
Youths make a difference in encouraging people to be
environmentally friendly?’ These preliminary survey
findings show the indicative of Singapore Muslim’s
attitudes toward the role of Islam in addressing
environmental issues.
Differ from the previous study, the second paper
was related to the issues on extremism. Mustazah
Bahari and Muhammad Haniff Hassan (2015) in an
article named Islam’s Moderate (Wasatiyah) Vision
and Jihad through Service to the Environment –
Analysis, draw the significant Muslims’ commitment
to preservation fill in as a solid case of jihad in the
more extensive setting. The ‘jihad’ represents the
wasatiyah (moderate) vision of Islam. Hence, the
endeavour to advance wasatiyah ought to run
simultaneously with other efforts to counter the
present issue on radicalization of Muslim youths
globally.
As decade progressed, the perceptions of Muslim
Singapore nowadays might gradually change. They
more concerned about environmental protection.
Respondents indicated that the need to protect the
environment is part of Islamic teaching. Although
some of our respondents have never heard about the
term ‘Islamic environmentalism’, they are motivated
to preserve the environment for the future
generations. Even one of the respondents stated that
she prefers her children to connect more to nature
rather than technology.
Moreover, a few respondents implied that they do
not want to predominantly conserve plant and
species, or natural habitats over any other
straightforwardly. They are bound to display the
‘introverted’ or thoughtful preservation practices by
utilizing environment-friendly products, no littering,
and include keeping the public clean. On the other
hand, different respondents prone to act more by
presenting a request of to an applicable government
organization to take up preservation causes and
furthermore signing a pledge for Climate Action.
Clearly, this above outcome indicated an
environmentally-friendly attitude and practical from
Muslim Singapore views. Regarding this Muslim
Singapore pro-attitude, according to Ivy, et al. (1998)
it was contributed from several factors: levels of
education, social class, time perspective and
knowledge on environmental issues. With these four
factors, Singaporeans are definitely well equipped to
understand the environmental messages taught to
them.
In addition, Singapore religious groups desired for
progressively societal activism and support as to
protecting the environment. As indicated in the work
of Andrew Chan and Md. Saidul Islam (2015):
“The issues of religious ecological concern can be
proceed as a powerful overarching framework in
directing the state and/or religious environmental
policy to create both multicultural social cohesion
and additionally environmental protection, and by
doing as such add to maintaining the fundamental
pillars of religious and national harmony in
Singapore while simultaneously encouraging the
participatory citizenship.”
The above statement is in tune with the Islamic
environmental ethics which can be emphasized
through community participation. Herein lays a
chance to create approaches that would be reasonable
and adaptable, and would help to understand the
environmental standards of Islam in in different
agrarian and urban settings. Ecological principles
communicated in the shari’ah may help with
delivering rules in protection and contamination
control. The manners by which principles of
stewardship and accountability can be actualized for
all intents and purposes will be dependent upon the
explicit financial setting of every Muslim country.
This will be an arduous task, consolidating the
scholarly and monetary assets of policymakers, civil
Attitudes and Practices by the Muslim Society towards Environmental Issues: A Singapore Model
889
servants, ethicists, scientists, religious leaders, and
the private sector.
As we presented earlier about the attitude of
Muslim Singapore toward nature, it is interestingly to
highlight that the previously distinguished research
has not yet assessed the practical aspect of
environmental issues. Thus, the following section
will elaborate on the behaviour of Muslim Singapore
towards nature.
4.2 Muslim Singapore Religious
Practical towards Nature
In regard to Muslim Singapore action and movement
toward nature, we highlighted several possibility
contributions to environmental protection.
4.2.1 Wudhu (ablution) with Less Water
For Muslim, notably, water is an essential need to
clean their body before performing worship. They do
this 5 times per day, 35 times each week, 150 times
each month, which all this means a ton of water.
Notwithstanding, since water protection is an
imperative inhabitant in Islam, one way Muslims can
moderate water is to reduce the measure of water use
amid wudhu.
In Singapore, wudhu usually has done with
running water from a tap. Muslim Singapore have
been taught to wudhu with less water. We visited
mosques to observe the sermon and to look at the
mosque's water-saving strategies. We saw how the
mosque collects rainwater and condensate from the
air-conditioning system for watering plants and
cleaning floors.
This is certainly different from the shopping
centre, since not all public toilets provide water.
Concerning this issue, our respondents give solutions:
(1) return back home quickly to perform prayer, (2)
find the nearest mosques, (3) performing the jama’
prayer, (4) keep ablution for the next prayer, and (5)
bring a small bottle. The last solution was shown by
a student in a mosque before, how she practices her
ablutions in a water-efficient way with a small bottle
of water. Last but not least, the Islamic Religious
Council of Singapore (MUIS) also has launched
‘MuslimSG’ app, to help Muslim Singapore to stay
connected with the prayer times, nearest places for
pray, halal food, khutbah, classes & e-learning and
religious matters.
4.2.2 Consuming NEWater
NEWater is the product name given to recycled
water manufactured by Singapore's Public Utilities
Board. Explicitly, it is dealt with wastewater (sewage)
that has been filtered. The water is drinkable and is
devoured by people.
With respect to this product, respondents
concurred that the water can be consumed by Muslim
and they consider it as halal. This is based on the 53rd
Muzakarah of the Fatwa Committee National Council
of Islamic Religious Affairs Malaysia that held on
27
th
November 2002 which examined the utilization
of NEWater from an Islamic law point of view, and
even MUIS has given a green light concerning the
product.
4.2.3 Green Ifthar
Ifthar is the evening meal which Muslims end
their daily Ramadan fast at sunset. In Singapore,
mosques around the island will be working with
government organizations to urge their congregants
to have a more beneficial and greener Ramadan as
component of their Touch of Ramadan campaign
(Abdullah, 2016). The Muslim started to cut down oil
and salt for its meals, as well as offer a platter of fruits
and vegetables. They offer brown rice and grilled fish
for up to 100 worshippers as well as hold talks
throughout the month on the topic of healthy living
from a religious perspective. In addition, this
movement aims to get mosques to save up to 250,000
litters of water a week by getting worshippers to use
less water when making ablution. The mosques also
encouraged to move away from offering styrofoam or
plastic utensils for their congregants to break their
fast and to switch to reusable or biodegradable
alternatives instead.
Unfortunately, this practice does not applicable
yet to all places. Especially in Eid Fithri celebration,
where there are so many guests coming to the house.
Most houses have to cook plenty of food including
meats to show a respect as a tradition and to show a
respect towards the guests. And for convenience
purposes, most houses will use disposable dishware
which was made from plastic or styrofoam.
4.2.4 Social Organization
Other than above movement, we also search for a
Muslim social organization that works for the
environment. From 72 non-profit groups, we only
found one group that obviously stating Islam and the
environment protection. FiTree, under Ms. Nur
Khairiana binte Mohd Malek, sorts out exercises
including youthful Muslims from different mosques
and madrasahs to advance familiarity with natural
issues and open doors for positive commitments
towards ecological protection. Most of the tasks are
synergetic in nature, to build mindfulness that ‘being
Green is part of our Deen’.
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Other than FiTree, we also found Singapore
Youth for Climate Action (SYCA), under the
supervision of Ms. Nor Lastrina Hamid, a young
Malay-Muslim Singapore. SYCA is a community of
young Singapore residents who come together with a
common goal: to take climate action. SYCA was
started by a group of young Singaporeans who are
already active on the local environmental scene.
5 CONCLUSIONS
We have presented the attitudes and practices of
Muslim Singapore regarding earth conservation.
Globally speaking, Muslim Singapore mostly has an
environment-friendly attitude. However, there is a
question on these Muslim attitudes and practices are
based on the religious act or under control?
Attributable to the complexity of Malay-Muslim
Singapore as the minority, this paper asserts that there
is a requirement for an inspection into various parts
of Muslim environmentalism, and to what degree
environmental practices are impacted by Islamic
environmental ethics.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work conducted within the Master Program of
the Graduate School UIN Syarif Hidayatullah UIN
Jakarta, and supported by Institution of Research and
Community Engagement (LP2M) UIN Syarif
Hidayatullah Jakarta. The authors gratefully
acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions
of the reviewers, which have improved the
presentation.
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