Restriction of Political Party Coalition to Prevent Single Candidates
in Regional Head Election
Ahmad Siboy
1
, Moh. Fadli
1
and Airin Liemanto
1
1
Faculty of Law University of Brawijaya, Malang, Indonesia
Keywords: Personal Data Economy, Legal Interpretation, Legal Framework, Indonesia
Abstract: The pattern of political party coalition in proposing candidates for regional head tends to be based on
momentary interest, thus generating many single candidates in various regions. The phenomenon of single
candidate has neglected people's rights to have the choice of more than one pair of candidates considering
that Regional Head Election or Pilkada is the implementation of people's sovereignty to choose the one that
deserves to be the regional head. This study aims to analyze the coalition pattern of Political Parties and find
the formula of restriction of political party coalition to prevent the emergence of single candidate. The
research result shows that the coalition pattern of political parties in regional head election is not based on
the vision and mission of political parties and people interests, and thus people are disadvantaged as they
lose their right to have a choice of candidates in the regional head election. To prevent the recurrence of a
single candidate in the regional head election, it can be done by restricting political party coalition through
various means such as limiting the number of political party coalitions or restriction through ownership of
seats in the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD). Limiting coalition will serve as an
appropriate solution to avoid any potential of single candidate and it gives resolution to disputes in Regional
Head Election in accordance with the provision of legislation. There will always be only one candidate pair,
which certainly leads to who could represent the empty box to submit a case and or who could be charged
by a candidate pair as defeated due to the empty box. Furthermore, the absence of political party with only
single candidate pair also prevents from the absence of authority at regional level as there is no victory
obtained in empty box.
1 INTRODUCTION
One form of local democratic manifestation is the
process of changing the local leader's that runs
democratically. The democratic process of changing
the local leaders can be mapped out by the period of
elections and the principles of regional head
election, whether in the level of province or
regency/municipality. The election period here is
how the process of changing the regional head is
strictly regulated in terms of how long a regional
head serves and when he must terminate his term of
office. Meanwhile, the principles of regional head
election are the principles of election that are
generally applicable, namely the principles of direct,
public, free, honest and fair (Jazim Hamidi and
Lutfi, 2010).
The parameters of whether a general election or a
regional head election is democratic are determined
by two things, namely electoral laws and electoral
process (Rae, 1971). Therefore, the regulation and
the practice of regional head election must be in
accordance with the purpose of election with the
orientation to become the media for the
implementation of people's sovereignty and to elect
a leader as desired by people. Thus, people should
be presented with the practice of good organization
and there should be a list of candidates chosen
according to the expectation of people, not just one
pair of candidates.
2 METHOD
This study aims to analyze the coalition pattern of
Political Parties and find the formula of restriction of
political party coalition to prevent the emergence of
single candidate.
1098
Siboy, A., Fadl, M. and Liemanto, A.
Restriction of Political Party Coalition to Prevent Single Candidates in Regional Head Election.
DOI: 10.5220/0009923310981103
In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1098-1103
ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
3 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
Regional head election can be held directly and
indirectly. Direct election of regional head is an
election in which people directly elect their regional
head. Meanwhile, indirect election of regional head
is the election of regional head whose election is
represented by the Regional People’s Representative
Council (DPRD). The form of election which can be
done directly or indirectly is not a parameter for an
election to be declared democratic. The Constitution
does not explicitly define the form of direct or
indirect election. Article 18 paragraph (4) of the
1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia uses
the words ‘elected democratically’. According to
Jimly Asshiddiqie, ‘elected democratically’ is a
choice of words that has a flexible meaning.
“Elected democratically has a flexible meaning so
that in subsequent arrangement they can be elected
directly or by the DPRD as in the previous practice.
The election of the members of DPRD is different as
it is explicitly affirmed that the members are elected
through general election. This arrangement
institutionalizes the way DPRD members are chosen
in the constitution, but more importantly, it also
asserts that DPRD members are not selected through
appointment as in the previous practice”
(Asshidiqqie, 2007).
The meaning of the word ‘democratic’ also
cannot be interpreted that the regional head does not
have to be chosen directly because the position of
regional head is a position in a region for the
representatives of the central government. This
means that a regional head may not be elected
through general election but may be appointed by
the government. For example, regional head in
provincial level is appointed by the President and
regional head in the level of regency/municipality is
appointed by the Governor. The arrangement of the
appointment mechanism is regulated in Law number
22 of 1948 on Regional Government.
At the same time, even if a regional head is not
appointed by a government official from the upper
position, the election of regional head may still be
administered indirectly where the regional head may
be elected by the Regional People’s Representative
Council (DPRD). The election of regional head is
regarded as a democratic regional head election
considering that DPRD members are directly elected
by people in the relevant area; therefore, DPRD
members are considered to have represented all the
will of political choice in an area. Through this
logic, it is then translated that when regional head is
elected by the DPRD, the election of regional head
is a democratic election process.
On a different side, the election of regional head
is translated as direct election. This argument is born
because, Firstly; the word ‘elected democratically’
in Article 18 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution
of the Republic of Indonesia should be interpreted as
direct democracy or direct election. Since the
members of DPRD as legislatives at regional level
are directly elected, the executives (regional heads)
must also be elected directly. Second; The election
of regional head which is carried out directly is
considered important in order that there are not two
models of government in terms of election. When
the election of regional heads is not held directly, the
system of election or governance in Indonesia will
be seen different, meaning that the presidential/vice
presidential election system and members of House
of Representatives (hereinafter DPR) at the central
government is held directly, while the election for
regional heads and legislative members at regional
levels is held not in direct system. In other words,
the elections at central government and at regional
level follow two different systems. Third; regional
head election must be done directly because people
must be involved in the aspect of leadership. People
have to give their approval, and in this case people's
consensus on who will become the leader can only
be obtained through direct election of regional head.
According to Ibnu Tri Cahyo, regional head election
is preferred to be carried out directly considering the
spirit of formulation of Article 18 of the 1945
Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia in PAH
(Ad hoc Committee) session of the People's
Consultative Assembly Year 2000 is direct election.
Factions in the MPR namely PDIP, Golkar, PPP
and Daulah Ummah interpret democratic as direct
election (Tricahyo, 2009).
Fourth; Direct election of regional head will
break the chain of buying and selling votes of DPRD
members. When regional heads are elected by
DPRD, vote transaction between regional head
candidates and DPRD members becomes common.
Election of regional heads by the DPRD members
will give more ease in terms of predicting fund
needed to bribe the members of DPRD. Unlike in
this indirect election, obtaining financial plan for
bribery is not possible in direct election of regional
heads simply because the votes sporadically spread
and counting the votes before the election is
impossible to perform. Fifth; Direct election of
regional head will also close the opportunity for
independent candidates to participate in regional
head election. Since independent candidates face
Restriction of Political Party Coalition to Prevent Single Candidates in Regional Head Election
1099
difficulty obtaining recommendation from a political
party, the political party will be more reluctant to
support candidate pairs from non-cadre. In direct
election, political parties consider candidates from
important non-cadre with high electability, recalling
that direct election gives space for competition
among regional head candidates not from cadres or
political parties. The competition gives access to
non-cadre candidates to a chance of becoming
candidates of regional heads and vice regional heads
as in governor election in Jakarta, in which Anies
Baswedan is a figure not coming from a political
party.
In the history of regional head election in
Indonesia, the position of head experienced several
different forms or models. Some of these forms can
be seen in Table 1 below:
Table I. Dynamics of the Form of Regional Head Election
(Sirajuddin, 2016)
No Period System of Regional
Head Election
Legal Basis
1 Period of
appointme
nt
The appointment of
the governor shall be
done by the
president on the
nomination of
several candidates by
the DPRD of the
province, while
regent or mayor shall
be appointed by the
Minister of Home
Affairs through the
nomination of DPRD
of regency/
municipality
Law No. 1 of
1945
Law No. 42 of
1948
Law No. 1 of
1957
Law No. 18 of
1965
Law No. 5 of
1974
2 Period of
Representa
tive
appointme
nt
Election of governor/
regent/ mayor
through election by
DPRD of province/
regency/
municipality
Law No. 22 of
1999
3 Period of
Direct
Election
Direct election of
governor/regent/may
or by the citizens
Law No. 32 of
2004
Law No. 1 of
2015
Law No. 8 of
2015
The regime of regional head election applicable
in Indonesia (ius contituentum) is direct election of
regional head where people directly elect the pair of
candidates in regional head election. The pairs of
candidates for the regional head election are the
pairs that have been determined by the Regional
General Elections Commission (KPUD) because
they have been assessed and verified to qualify as
pairs of candidates for regional head election in a
certain area. The pair of candidates for regional head
and vice regional head may come from political
party or individual. Although there are two paths to
become pairs of candidates, but the path of political
party is more dominant in terms of nomination and
winning in simultaneous regional head election.
The two paths to be a pair of candidates for the
election do not work effectively in presenting more
number of candidates of regional head. In 2015
regional head election and in 2017 election there
was the fact that single candidates were found in
some areas(Prayudi, 2018), whereas single candidate
is something that is not in accordance with the
expectation of direct election. Logically, in direct
election people should be given the choice of
candidates to be elected as leader. Meanwhile, if
there is only a single candidate, it is like following a
referendum because people are only asked for
approval or rejection on the pair of candidates.
The half-referendum model due to single
candidate certainly makes the process of democracy
in the region run ineffectively and inefficiently. If it
turns out that more people do not agree with that
pair of candidates, then the election will be repeated
in the next round, so it requires another process and
financing. In the waiting of the process of the next
Pilkada in regional areas won by an empty box such
as the Pilkada held in Makassar, the executor of the
Regional Head election will be appointed. At the
same time, an election with a single candidate will
complicate the judicial process in the event of a
dispute. For example, in dispute over the result of
regional head election, those having legal standing
to file a case are the candidates who feel
disadvantaged. This will not be fulfilled in an
election followed by a single candidate since there is
no other pair of candidates having the legal standing
to file a dispute over the election result to the
Constitutional Court. On the other hand, when an
empty box gains the most votes, the losing candidate
pairs will have difficulty tracking the infringement
done by the empty box recalling that it is difficult to
provide evidence for this case. It is because the
supporters of empty box are not from official
campaign teams.
There are at least some arguments that can be put
forward to describe why single candidate occurs.
Firstly, regional head election is still described as the
battle of political elite so that citizens who do not
belong to the political elite become passive and do
not pay attention to the dynamics of regional head
nomination. This assumption is certainly a natural
thing because in the election, the political elites at
both national and local levels play a significant role.
For example, in the regional head election of DKI
Jakarta in 2017, behind the emergence of three pairs
of candidates for regional head, it involved
ICRI 2018 - International Conference Recent Innovation
1100
communication and political activity of national
politicians such as former president and former
presidential candidate. This condition leads the
citizens of non-elite political group or those inactive
in political activities to difficulties obtaining
recommendation from political parties for the sake
of becoming regional head candidates.
Secondly, there is a stigma that the takeover of
position of candidate for regional head and vice
regional head is only for rich businessmen or those
having adequate capital. Admittedly, considerable
funds are required in regional head election,
therefore, people who can become the candidates for
regional head and vice regional head are the ones
who have the capital in order to finance the political
costs during the process of election. The emergence
of the term political dowry from some people who
fail in the candidacy for regional head certainly
confirms that in order to become a candidate of
regional head, it can only be reached by people who
can afford to pay political dowry. Finance is another
impeding factor for particular citizens to propose
regional head candidacy despite the fact that the
citizens have popularity and high electability.
Third, the process of determining the pair of
candidates of regional head that will be supported by
political party depends only on people who have
popularity or people who are public figure. This
certainly makes citizens who do not have popularity
will not feel confident to run for candidate of
regional head despite having the competence to
become a candidate of regional head. Fourth;
political parties as institutions that can nominate
candidates for regional head and vice regional head
do not have definite parameters in nominating
candidates of regional head and vice regional head.
Political parties do not have a definite mechanism in
determining the requirements of who will be
nominated as the pair of candidates for regional head
and vice regional head. As the evidence, it can be
seen from several political parties which nominated
an unpredictable pair of candidates in simultaneous
elections in 2015 and 2017, i.e. candidates that did
not have a relationship or not a cadre of the party,
and even figures who were in a different position
with the political party. Although it is true that in
Pilkada in Jakarta in 2017 Anies Baswedan was
recommended by Gerindra and Keadilan Sejahtera
Party, he was not from the two parties. Moreover, in
presidential election in 2014, Anies Baswedan
supported Joko Widodo, an opposition of
presidential and vice-presidential candidate
proposed by Gerindra and Keadilan Sejahtera Party.
Fifth, there are no rules in the pattern of political
party coalition in choosing the pair of candidates for
regional head. This makes the configuration of
political party coalition in each region different even
though the institution of political parties is national.
In area A, a political party can form a coalition with
party X, and in another area the party can form a
coalition with party Y. In this coalition the ideology
of their political party is not the foundation. Here,
power sharing is more prioritized. From the factors
of the emergence of single candidate above, it can be
concluded that the emergence of single candidate is
more based on the behavioral pattern of political
parties in determining the pair of candidates for
regional head and vice regional head to be
nominated as participants of election. Political party
coalition is not based on ideological similarity and
vision and mission between the coalition partners.
Thus, it results in the emergence of single candidate
which must be prevented in order to create a
democratic election process where people are not
only forced to choose one pair of candidates. People
have the right to have a choice of candidates.
One attempt to prevent the emergence of single
candidate is through the restriction of political party
coalition in proposing candidates of regional head.
This option becomes one of the offers because by
restricting political party coalition, the parties cannot
be in one coalition group since the number of
political parties that can join in one coalition is
limited. Therefore, political parties that do not join
in a coalition must nominate another pair of
candidates. With the restriction on the number of
political party coalition, there is bigger potential that
the coalition pattern and the pair of candidates to be
nominated by political parties will be based on the
similarity of platform rather than on political
pragmatism.
However, the option to limit the number of
political parties in nominating candidates for
regional head and vice regional head will be faced
with some challenges. It would be very difficult for
the political parties to accept such restrictions
because they feel that it is the right and freedom of
every party to form coalition with any party and in
whatever number, and it cannot be restricted.
However, this argument may be contradicted with
the provisions of article 28J of the 1945 Constitution
of the Republic of Indonesia that restriction on the
rights of a person may be made as long as it is
justified by law. Moreover, limiting coalition of
political parties could make use the main functions
of political parties.
Restriction of Political Party Coalition to Prevent Single Candidates in Regional Head Election
1101
Some options that can be applied to limit the
number of coalitions of political parties are by: First,
for a political party that meets the threshold of the
vote to nominate candidates for regional head or
vice regional head without joining with other parties,
that party is prohibited to form coalition with other
parties because it has sufficient number of seats in
the Regional People’s Representative Council or
DPRD to nominate a pair of candidates. This
mechanism is easily realised because there are
several political parties that meet requirement of
candidate pair for regional head and vice regional
head election in some regional areas to obtain
minimum number of seats available in DPRD to
propose candidate pairs for regional head and the
vice election without any chance of coalition with
another party such as Demokrasi Indonesia
Perjuangan Party (PDI-P) in West Java and Central
Java in which no coalition was needed.
Second, political parties that do not fulfill the
minimal number of seats in DPRD can cooperate
with other parties to meet the requirements to be
able to nominate candidates for regional head and
vice regional head. However, the number of
coalition must also be proportionally limited or may
not consist of all political parties that have seats in
DPRD. It means that coalition can be held to obtain
minimum requirement of combined seats for
political parties in regional areas to propose regional
head and vice regional head candidate pairs.
Third, the restriction of political party coalition
can also be passed by the sorting of political parties
based on the ideology of each party. However,
coalition restriction through the ideology of political
parties is difficult to realize. This cannot be
separated from the ideology of each political party
that can be difficult to distinguish. Moreover,
dealing with the moment of regional head election,
the ideology of the political parties seem to have no
difference because the ideology is defined with
momentary interests or is merely adjusted with
election. In addition, the restriction of political party
coalition through ideology has the potential to bring
the issue of tribe, religion, race, and interreligious
groups (SARA), for example the grouping of political
parties having the ideology of Islam and nationalist.
This will push religious issues into commodities that
can break unity among the voters.
4 CONCLUSION
Regional head election is one of the transitional
processes of people sovereignty to those who will
represent them in leading the government. In this
process people should be presented or given the
choice of candidates to choose from. However, the
organization of regional election in several areas is
only followed by one pair of candidates, and thus
people have no other choice of candidates to be
elected as regional head. The fact of single candidate
in regional head election is caused by the coalition
pattern of the political parties that form coalition
only for the sake of political or financial interest, not
to present a pair of candidates as desired by people.
Consequently, people feel that their rights as the
sovereign holders are violated. Hence, single
candidate in regional head election (Pilkada) should
be prevented or should not be repeated. Prevention
can only be done through restriction of political
party coalition. Such restrictive mechanism can be
performed through restriction of political party
coalition based on the maximum number of joint
parties that nominate the pair of candidates of
regional head or based on the minimum requirement
of seat ownership in the Regional People’s
Representative Council (DPRD).
REFERENCES
Asshidiqqie, J., 2007. Konstitusi Dan Ketatanegaraan
Indonesia Kontemporer. The Biography Institute,
Bekasi.
Asshidiqqie, J., 2015. Peradilan Etik Dan Etika Konstitusi
: Perspektif Baru Tentang ‘Rule of law and rule of
ethics & constitutional Law and Constitutional ethics’.
Sinar Grafika, Jakarta Timur.
Asshidiqqie, J., 2006. Hukum Acara Pengujian Undang-
Undang. Sekretariat Jenderal dan Kepaniteraan
Mahkamah Konstitusi, Jakarta.
Ayunita, K., 2017. Pengantar Hukum Konstitusi dan
Acara Mahkamah Konstitusi. Mitra Wacana Media,
Jakarta.
Bruggink, J.J.H., 2011. Refleksi tentang Hukum. Citra
Aditya Bakti, Bandung.
Edy, L., 2017. Konsolidasi Demokrasi Indonesia: Original
Intent Undang-Undang Pemilu. Rmbooks, Jakarta.
Fadli, M., 2011. Peraturan Delegasi Di Indonesia. UB
Press, Malang.
Hamidi, J., and Lutfi, M., 2010. Konstitutionalisme
Demokrasi. InTrans Publishing, Malang.
Hart, H.L.A., 2016. The Concept of Law, translated by
Muhammad Ali Safa’at. Konstitusi Press, Jakarta.
Harun, R. 2016. Pemilu Konstitutional: Desain
Penyelesaian Sengketa Pemilu Kini dan ke Depan. PT
RajaGrafindo Persada, Depok.
Huda, N., 2005. Negara Hukum, Demokrasi dan Judicial
Review. UII Press, Yogyakarta.
Manan, B., 2004. Teori dan Politik Konstitusi. FH UII
Press, Yogyakarta.
ICRI 2018 - International Conference Recent Innovation
1102
Prayudi, 2018. Dinamika Politik Pilkada Serentak.
Intimedia, Malang.
Rae, D., 1971. The Political Consequences Of Electoral
Laws. Yale University Press, New Haven
Connnecticut.
Ridwan, 2009. Tiga Dimensi Hukum Administrasi dan
Peradilan Administrasi. FH UII Press, Yogyakarta.
Sirajuddin, 2016. Hukum Administrasi dan Pemerintahan
Daerah. Setara Press, Malang.
Smith, R. K. M., et.al., 2008. Hukum Hak Asasi Manusia.
Pusat Studi Hak Asasi Manusia Universitas Islam
Indonesia, Yogyakarta
Stone, A., 1992. The Birth of judicial In France: The
Constitutional France Council In Comparative
Perspective. Oxford University Press, England.
Tricahyo, I., 2009. Reformasi Pemilu Menuju Pemisahan
Pemilu Nasional dan Lokal. InTrans Publishing,
Malang.
Wiryono, R., 2008. Hukum Acara Peradilan Tata Usaha
Negara. Sinar Grafika, Jakarta.
Wiyanto, R., 2014. Penegakan Hukum Pemilu DPR, DPD,
dan DPRD. CV. Mandar Maju, Bandung.
Restriction of Political Party Coalition to Prevent Single Candidates in Regional Head Election
1103