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should not happen, because it is clear that Darfur has
fulfilled the requirements for intervening.
Those imply that the international community
was reluctant to implement the R2P
comprehensively in practice. They failed to fulfill
the most fundamental aspect of the R2P namely
prevention. This reluctance was also obvious from
the number of authorized-personnel who was sent to
Darfur. Compared to other humanitarian cases, the
number of international personnel in Darfur is very
small. In Croatia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina crisis
there were 38,599 personnel deployed, in Sierra
Leone there were 17.500 personnel, in Democratic
Republic of Congo crisis there were 16,700 troops,
in Somalia crisis there were 28,000 personnel, while
in Darfur only 300 troops involved in 2004 and
gradually increased to 7000 (Grono, 2006).
In fact, Darfur is the worse humanitarian crisis in
the era which needed more skilled personnel in the
field. As Lieutenant General RoméoDallaire, the
commander of UN forces in Rwanda in 1994 has
estimated that 44,000 troops are required to bring
peace to Darfur. However, it did not take place in
Darfur.
Moreover, the UN resolutions were also not firm.
Resolution 1547, for instance, is merely a
persuasion. Persuasion was not the proper decision
because the level of violence has been very
alarming. Resolution 1556 also did not give a
significant output. Although China and Russia
assumed this resolution is too hard for Sudan,
actually this resolution did not go far enough. That
resolution failed to ensure the appalling human
rights situation, and it abandoned people of Darfur
and an abdication of the Security Council's role as
human rights enforcing agent. The UN Security
Council failed to put concerted pressure on the
Sudanese government to allow humanitarian access;
and failed to make the government take its
responsibilities seriously for protecting the people of
Darfur and for complying with its ceasefire
commitments and legal obligations.
The R2P concept also suggests that protecting
people is a paramount obligation. Therefore no other
norms could stop this obligation to be performed.
However, in fact, Darfur clearly portrays that every
country still positioned national interest as the
highest concern as well as become a measure of
whether to intervene or not. National interests still
de facto become the main concern of every state.
This is the main obstacle to implementing this norm.
When the R2P is in line with the national interest,
the international community will respond quickly
even without clear evidence such as in Iraq case.
Otherwise, when the moral obligation is not in line
with national interest, the international community
will be reluctant to involve, and this is what
happened in Darfur.
Based on national interest calculation, the Sudan
Government is far more important than Darfur for
every member of the Security Council. For the
United States, Sudan is a strategic ally in the war on
terror. Sudan is the country where Osama bin Laden
hid before moving to Afghanistan. The US assumed
that Sudan could be one of the important sources of
intelligence to destroy terrorist's network. Therefore,
in 2005, the US flew the Sudanese chief of
intelligence and one of the architects of the Darfur
atrocities, out of Virginia to meet with the CIA
(Grono, 2006). By pressing the Sudan government,
the U.S will lose the important information that it
could get from Sudan.
For China and Russia, Sudan is important
because Sudan purchased the weapon from those
two countries. There was a big wariness of China
and Russia if the intervention is conducted, there
would be an economic instability in Sudan which
eventually will affect Sudan's ability to pay its debt
to China and Russia, as well as decreasing Sudan's
purchasing power toward China and Russia
weaponry products. Moreover, China and Russia
were also suspicious that their involvement in Darfur
would drag international attention to violence
committed by Russia in Chechnya and China in
Xinjiang and Tibet. Therefore, getting involved in
the Darfur case was not a good choice for their
national interests.
For the international community in general,
Sudan is important because of its oil production.
Sudan oil production started since the 1950s. It has 1
percent of total world oil reserves. Although it's not
a huge number, it's crucial in the mid of international
effort to find alternative oil sources. Therefore,
many countries have invested and run oil production
in Sudan. There are six oil production blocks in
Sudan. The first and second block belongs to
Canada, China, and Malaysia, the third block is
owned by China and Qatar, the fourth block belongs
to GNPOC, the fifth block is for French, Sweden,
Austria and Sudan and the last block mastered by
China. Therefore, if the intervention is carried out,
Sudan would nationalize those oil productions or
stop cooperating with foreign companies which will
have an impact on oil price and disadvantage those
who own oil production companies.
The clash between national interest and moral
obligation has resulted in the inability to respond
Darfur case properly. To cover this reluctance, the
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