Labor, Participation and Local Election:

Analysis the Defeat of Obon Tabroni as Independent Candidate in

Bekasi Local Election on 2017

Ana Sabhana Azmy

and Fikry Maulana Hidayatullah

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Trade Union, Political Participation, Pilkada 2017, Bekasi Regency.

Abstract: This study discusses the defeat of ObonTabroni in the simultaneous elections held in Bekasi District in 2017.

In a local election, there were five candidates for regent and vice regent, and two of them through independent

path. ObonTabroni was the representative of the trade union FSPMI who used the independent way. However,

unions and laborers who support the ObonTabroni partner in the regent's nomination in Bekasi 2017, did not

guarantee that all support and votes were given to Obon. It is evident that when the election ended on February

15, 2017, Obon and his partner declared their failure. This article uses the qualitative method to find out what

factors make the laborers' representatives lose in the 2017 election in Bekasi Regency. As the conclusion, four

factors influence the defeat of ObonTabroni as labor representatives in election 2017. First, less popularity of

ObonTabroni among Bekasi regency community. Second, the fraud of other candidates used money politics.

Third, the number of voters who did not vote. Fourth, the voice of the union was divided and the lack of solid

voice of the workers and also lack of political experience from the workers.

1 INTRODUCTION

The trade union movement was undergoing

significant changes, one of it was the shift from a

more democratic political environment. Since the

beginning of the 1998 Reformation era, the

movement of the trade unions in Indonesia has

become one of several powerful political forces

toward the election in Bekasi regency, West Java. The

era of workers in politics has already begun, this time

was a total workforce entirely into the political world

by appointing Obon Tobroni as his candidate in the

elections through an independent (individual) path.

The reason Obon used the independent path was to

avoid the interests of political parties. Obon Tabroni

as a representative of the workers in the elections of

Bekasi Regency got some support from several

unions in Bekasi Regency. This support came from

Federation of Indonesian Metal Workers Union

(FSPMI), National Workers Union (SPN), Federation

of Industrial Workers (FKI) and other unions under

the Indonesian Trade Union Confederation (KSPI).

The support of the four unions to Obon as the

nomination of the Regent in Bekasi Regency 2017 did

not guarantee the victory of Obon and Sumaryono.

From the total number of voters, 3,958 voting place

(TPS) in Bekasi, Obon, and Sumaryono split into the

third place with 207,940 total votes. Based on the

above problem statement, some questions arise; First,

why the union could not win Obon Tabroni in the

local elections of Bekasi in 2017? Second, what

factors caused the defeat of Obon Tabroni in the local

elections of Bekasi in 2017?

2 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR

The defeat of ObonTabroni which was the

representative of the workers can be profoundly

analyzed by using several concepts and theories;

2.1 The Concept of Political Power and

Interest Groups

In its understanding, political power is a socio-

cultural group that tries to influence the process of

making and political decisions made by the

government. This group will influence the decisions

388

Azmy, A. and Hidayatullah, F.

Labor, Participation and Local Election: Analysis the Defeat of Obon Tabroni as Independent Candidate in Bekasi Local Election on 2017.

DOI: 10.5220/0009932003880395

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 388-395

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

made regarding their interests. The effort carried out

by this group is usually by using all sources of power

owned through available and effective channels.

Groups that have political power will usually

mobilize all sources of power to the maximum and

choose the right channel as a platform to channel their

aspirations and interests. According to Miriam

Budiardjo, political power is an individual or an

organization that is an actor and capable of playing a

role in political life. these people are individuals or

groups that have an element of interest and aim to

influence the decision-making process in the political

system. One group belonging to the political power

group is a trade union. Basically, trade unions are

organizations formed from, by, and for workers or

laborers both in companies and outside companies

that are free, open, independent, democratic and

responsible for defending the rights and interests of

workers and their families (Budiardjo, 2008.)

While the interest group is a structural group or a

political institution that functions as a delivery of

demands that have an interest. According to Almond

and Powell the interest group is a group of individuals

who are connected with a bond of interests or benefits

who consciously share the interests. The form of an

interest group can be in the form of unions,

associations, ties or community organizations. The

effectiveness of an interest group in channeling its

interests depends on issues that are being developed

by the government. In addition, the success of the

interest group depends on how the group directs the

support, energy and strength of the members of the

group. Examples include financial strength, number

of members, political skills, organizational unity, and

group achievements in the eyes of the general public

or in the eyes of the government. Therefore, at least

representatives of these interest groups must struggle

to raise the interests and demands of the group so that

they can be made into the State agenda. Because each

group has different interests Gabriel A. Almond

Bingham G. Powell divides the interest group into

four types. First, the anomic group, this group formed

spontaneously and only immediately, so the activities

carried out by this group were only fleeting and did

not have clear rules. The two non-associational

groups, this group is not neatly organized and its

activities are only sometimes. The three groups are

associational, this group is a neatly organized group

and through clear procedures. And the fourth is the

institutional group, this group is formal, organized

and organized. This group consists of professionals in

their fields and has a clear working structure (Haniah

& Azmy, 2016).

2.2 Political Participation

Political participation is an activity of an individual

or group of organizations, participating in political

activity by choosing a state leader directly or

indirectly to influence government policy by voting

in an election. Some factors that affect political

participation are; first, political awareness of the

government or its political system of citizens' rights

and duties, in particular, political rights, economic

rights, legal protection rights, economic obligations,

and social obligations. Second, concerning how is the

assessment and appreciation of government policy

and its implementation. The high and low of these

two factors are influenced by other factors such as

social status and economic status, political affiliation

of parents and organizational experience. What is

meant by social status is the position of a person in

society based on wealth, it can be known from

income, expenditure, or ownership of valuable

objects. Someone who has a high social status and

economic status not only has political knowledge, but

they also have political interest and attention and trust

in the government (Ramlan, 1992). Milbarth and Goel

share three forms of political participation, the first

categories are Gladiators, those who are actively

involved in a political process as communicators with

the particular task of making face-to-face contact,

party or organizational activists, and campaign

workers. Second, is the Spectator, meaning those who

have at least voted in the elections. Third is apathy; it

is the people who do not participate and withdraw

from the political process (Ramlan, 1992).

Furthermore, according to Myron Weiner, there

are five factors that can influence one's political

participation, namely first, Mordernization in all

fields that have implications for the

commercialization of agriculture, industrialization,

rising levels of education, increasing urbanization

flows, widespread role of mass media and

communication media. second, changes in essential

class structures such as the emergence of the middle

class and new workers are increasingly widespread in

the era of industrialization. Their emergence, of

course, will be accompanied by the arrival of new

demands that will influence the policies of the

government. Third, the influence of intellectuals and

the role of the mass media. The ideas of nationalism,

liberalism, and egalitarianism arouse demands to

participate in determining decision making.

Widespread mass media communication facilitates

citizen participation in political life. Fourth, there is

conflict between political leaders. political leaders

fighting over power, often seeking mass support. In

Labor, Participation and Local Election: Analysis the Defeat of Obon Tabroni as Independent Candidate in Bekasi Local Election on 2017

389

this case, there is often participation and mobilization.

Fifth, there is government involvement in social,

economic and cultural affairs. Widespread scope of

government often stimulates the growth of organized

demands to participate in influencing any public

policy making (Sudjono, 1995).

The political participation of the workers in this

pilkada is influenced by many factors, the current

situation makes the workers feel aggrieved by the

policies made by the government. With the mediocre

conditions of the labor economy and increasing

urbanization and the emergence of many new forces

within the trade unions, the workers are stimulated to

participate in political activities.

2.3 Voter Behaviour

The beginning of the emergence of sociological

approaches in the tradition of voter behavior

developed in Europe and America in 1950 and was

built on the assumption that voter behavior was

determined by the sociological characteristics of

voters. Especially seen from the existence of social

classes, religion, education and ethnic groups. In the

sociological approach there is a core that influences

voter behavior, namely that every voter has an

awareness of his rights in an election. Because the

results of this election will determine a public policy

that will affect him and the community at large. But

unfortunately most of these people are usually

relative to educated people or business people. This

means that on average Indonesian people will choose

their prospective leaders by looking at the candidate's

educational background. The more titles or the more

titles held by the candidate pair will influence the

choice of the voter. Conversely, educated voters will

study the candidate pairs they will choose so that they

are not mistaken in choosing the candidate for the

regional head. In addition to educated people, what

affects a person to participate in the election is the

existence of work, because most people who do not

have a job tend to be more focused on how to find a

job than to participate in the election. In addition,

voter behavior is determined also by the existence of

religion and internal and external organizations,

because with the existence of this organization they

are easier to get information. With these

organizations they will be more easily contacted and

communicate with people or groups who have these

interests. Because it is impossible for a candidate or

member of the House of Representatives to come to

the residents one by one of their homes to collect their

votes. Moreover, most of the Indonesian people,

religion is the most important thing in the course of a

life and politics. Especially in this case is choosing a

prospective leader, and the first thing that is usually

seen by the community is the religion adopted by the

candidate. Is it the same as the majority community

in general, or vice versa. As a country with a high

population level of Muslims, of course people who

are predominantly Muslim will certainly prefer

candidates for officials who are also Muslims.

Similarly, if seen from the sociological approach, a

voter can be seen from his background, for example

like a worker. In Europe workers prefer socialist

parties or labor parties to other parties, because they

believe that the workers' party will pay attention to

the socio-economic conditions of the workers. So,

basically social approaches ranging from education,

work, background and religion greatly influence the

formation of voter behaviour (Agustino & Yusoff,

2009).

Second, The psychological approach is a model of

approach that is seen from the personality of a person

who is a variable that can determine its political

behavior. In the psychological approach emphasizes

on several aspects that affect a person's psychological

impact on politics, these aspects are emotional in a

political party or class and orientation towards the

candidate. In the psychological approach itself, the

behavior of choosing a voter can be detected using the

following two concepts. Namely: First, the concept of

Political Involvement, is a feeling that assesses itself

as an important factor or not to be involved in general

political issues. Second, is party identification (party

indentification) which is a feeling of liking an

individual towards one political party or one

particular group.

In the psychological approach can be seen the

behavior of voters who do have an interest that comes

from the bottom of their hearts, meaning that

someone has a high awareness of the importance of

elections and tends to see the positive meaning of

involvement in the election can affect public policy.

Conversely, someone who does not have interest in

politics tends to be an apathetic citizen. Apathy here

is intended that the citizen will not care about the

election, because for him the election only benefits a

few elites and does not benefit him the reality is very

different from the daily reality.

In addition, partisans are also very influential in a

psychological approach to voter behavior.

Participants are a state of psychology in which a

person feels close and has a responsibility for a

particular party or group. In partisan, voter behavior

will tend to choose a party or group where he is,

therefore he tends to follow the election.

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In elections, voters usually also see a candidate or

candidate to be elected. Usually voter behavior sees

the candidate from a vision and mission or the

existence of a social closeness between the voter and

the candidate. The behavior of voters usually tends to

choose candidates that he knows or indeed have blood

relations with the candidate compared to other

candidates. However, most people who have public

problem information will be more inclined to choose

candidates compared to people who are less

informed. (Aminudin, Perilaku Politik Indonesia,

2011). Furthermore, partisan are also very influential

in a psychological approach to voter behavior.

Participants are a psychological state in which a

person feels close and has responsibility for a

particular party or group. Partisan voter’s behavior

tends to choose a party or a group where he is

involved; he tends to follow the election.

The third choice In political science, it is known

as the rational choice approach or what we often hear

as Rational Choise. A rational choice is a voter's

behavior by calculating maximum profits by issuing

minimal fees. So, if someone gets the same result

from the election, even if he or she does not

participate in the election, the citizen will not follow

the election. Because in principle they assume that if

you can get the same thing with other citizens without

wasting time and energy, why does warus issue it.

This approach model gives attention to the dynamics

of political economy in terms of personal and

collective aspects. For example, if the condition of the

voting household is below the current government

with good conditions, then the voters will take part in

the election and re-elect the candidate to return to

office. But on the contrary, if the condition of the

voters under the administration of the candidate

deteriorates, then voters tend not to care about the

election or will reject the government for the second

time by choosing other candidates. Unlike the

previous assumption of Rational Choice Theory. In

this model, participants are people who learn

adaptively from their previous experiences, so they

choose or do not choose based on previous experience

in the election whether it is beneficial or not for

themselves. This was a revision of the Rational

Choice Theory about Voting which was developed by

the Riker and Ordeshook in 1973. According to the

Riker and Ordeshook one would participate in the

election if the cost of C to do that was less than the

profit B obtained from the participation. Then

multiplied the perception of the importance of her

participation in winning candidates who supported

her and the obligation of a citizen to participate D. If

not, then the person might not participate in the

election.

Because basically in this rational approach, voters

will choose candidates who benefit themselves if they

are seen to be able to fulfill or help their interests

(siteally). This means that voters will choose

candidates who are considered promising benefits to

themselves and their families. A rational voter is not

interested in the political concept of the candidate or

party, but the voter sees the biggest advantage he gets

from the candidate or party. Voters will know how the

party or candidate has helped achieve the desires of

the voters and does not need information that is too

detailed and accurate, but enough to perceive the

economic situation of himself and his family during

the reign of the government. Conversely, if voters feel

that their social and economic conditions are worse

than before, then voters tend to punish the

government by not re-choosing it and choosing other

potential opponents.(Saiful, Liddle, & Ambardi,

2008).

3 PARTICIPATION AND

POLITICAL BEHAVIOR OF

LABOR IN BEKASI LOCAL

ELECTION 2017

The defeat of ObonTabroni and his partner in the

2017 election in Bekasi is an interesting phenomenon.

Throughout 2014 the total number of workers in

Bekasi Regency was 1,295,552. Based on the data,

the type of livelihood of Bekasi society is mostly in

the industrial sector which reaches up to 468,883

people(Establishment of Government Regulation in

Lieu of Law On the Election of Governor, Mayor,

Regent, 2016). From the analysis of the authors,

shows that the political participation of the workers is

still somewhat less. ObonTabroni who became the

representative of the workers advanced as a candidate

for regent by using an independent path. However,

not all unions agree with the nomination of Obon as a

candidate for the election of the local regent. It is

obvious when Obon was declared lost in the electoral

last time. There are several reasons why the union

voice could not win ObonTabroni.

3.1 Lack of Solidarity between Trade

Unions

The lack of solidarity between the unions in Bekasi is

the main reason for the defeat of ObonTabroni and his

spouse in the elections of Bekasi Regency in 2017.

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Based on the results of the interview with Timboel

Siregar as observers of labor politics (Siregar, 2018),

he explained that the division of trade union voices in

Bekasi Regency was due to the ego of each union

leader. In Bekasi District, not all unions join the

confederation that followed by FSPMI. There are

about 14 confederations, 112 federations, and

thousands of enterprise-level unions that each has a

different ideology. From the fragmentation of the

union's voice made the workers seem solid. It makes

the voice of the workers weak, the weak approach of

the workers' position to democracy-based politics,

leaving the workers in decline and unable to

effectively take advantage of the existing political

space. The impact of this disagreement resulted in the

division of the Obon voice which was quite large at

the time of the vote.

Amir Mahfuzh as the winning team of the Obon

pair explained that the difference of opinion was the

reason why the voice of the workers was unable to

win the Obon and his partner. If only during the 2017

elections, the workers' voices were united, it was not

impossible to win the Obon and their partners.

Because basically the voice of workers in Bekasi

regency is almost around 30% who have voting rights

in the 2017 elections, so it is quite high and is

considered capable of winning the Obon pair.

However, in reality in the last 2017 election some

unions chose not to choose Obon and their partners.

If only Obon Tabroni and pairya were elected as

regents, there were at least representatives of workers

who could influence public policy so that the access

of trade unions to the welfare of their members would

be more easily accepted in the government. So it is

very unfortunate, the workers do not understand this

(Mahfuzh, 2018).

3.2 Split of the Unions

Agus Ahmad Sudrajat as a chairman of Federal

Industrial Workers (FKI) (Sudrajat, 2018), Agus

Ahmad Sudrajat as general chairman of the Federal

Industrial Workers (FKI). He stated that the vote split

from the trade union was one of the factors that made

Obon Tabroni lose in the 2017 elections. This is

because the workers in the 2017 elections then have

their respective affiliations that cannot be regulated or

contested by anyone. In the 2017 pilkada, the

psychological approach emphasizes on several

aspects that affect the psychological impact of some

workers on politics, these aspects are emotional in a

political party or class and orientation towards the

candidate. One of the causes of workers' voices is

divided, that is, first because of the existence of labor

activists who become party activists. The intention of

labor activists as well as party activists is that many

members of the trade unions should vote for the Obon

pair, but because they are also members of their party

they also have to secure the votes of the parties they

follow. Because, the workers themselves recognize

that party doctrine is earlier than the trade union

doctrine itself. For example in the South Tambun

region where the FSPMI union is the basis of the PKS

party, it is possible that the workers around Tambun

Selatan are members of the PKS, the PKS party is the

party that nominates Sadudidan Ahmad Dhani. So, it

is not impossible for workers to tend to choose their

party rather than their union. This is due to

psychological and sociological factors.

In addition, Agus Ahmad Sudrajat also stated that

in fact the lack of solidarity of the workers had been

seen from the collection of KTP, because the

regulations stipulated by the KPU for nomination as

independent candidates must have approximately

6.5% of the total number of votes. ID cards collected

from the workers themselves are only about 30% of

the votes of workers who have the right to vote in the

election. This clearly shows an indication of the lack

of solidarity of the workers. Although in theory the

trade unions will not lose, because from the

discussion of Obon-supporting unions, target 400

thousand votes for the Obon pair from the voices of

the workers alone. However, in reality the lack of

solidarity of the workers made Obon's voice lost in

the third rank. This weakness is an obstacle for trade

unions in Indonesia, especially in Bekasi Regency.

(Establishment of Government Regulation in Lieu of

Law On the Election of Governor, Mayor, Regent,

2016). Timboel Siregar, a political observer of labor,

said that if the unions in Bekasi district can build a

high level of cooperation and solidarity for the

common good, then it is impossible for

ObonTabronito lose to the 2017 election (Siregar,

2018).

3.3 The Existence of the Betrayal of

FSPMI Itself

Third, there is a betrayal factor from the body of

FSPMI itself. This was stated by Obon to the author

during the interview. Obon stated that there were

indeed several members who had betrayed him in the

voting process. This is due to the issues of the

opponent's candidate pair who made the vote from

FSPMI lost around 2-3%. The following is a short

excerpt from Obon. "There are, but if there is no

publicly available, the name of the supporter is in the

lure of something, the person just wants it. So,

yesterday the team was a lot because they saw me. If

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the rest, there is an intention to nominate the voice

and I also know who the person is. If I am not a

problem, the sound convolution means that it is not

true and not a vision and mission anymore.

Based on the statement of Obon Tabroni above we

can see the Rational Choice approach or the rational

choice of the workers. Rational choice is a voter's

behavior by calculating the maximum profit by

issuing minimal fees. Rational voters are not

interested in the political concept of the candidate or

party. No matter whether Obon is a labor

representative or not, from this rational approach,

voters only see the biggest advantage he gets from the

candidate or party he chooses. As a result, this factor

is a significant factor in its impact. Because this not

only results in loss of voice for the Obon pair and

moves the voice of the independent candidate to

another candidate pair. However, it was also seen that

the voices of the workers themselves were divided

and less solid until the voice of the trade unions was

unable to win the Obon Tabroni pair who became

representatives of the workers in Bekasi Regency

(Tabroni, 2018).

3.4 The Lack of Political Education

among the Workers

Muhamad Noor as chairman of the national trade

union (SPN) stated that most of the worker's routines

are; going to work, going home, taking rest until the

next day, back to work and repeat. Because most of

their time spent in the factory for work, they have less

understanding of the importance of politics. Their

concern for political participation is low that it tends

to be apathetic (Noor, 2018). According to

RamlanSurbakti, there are two essential variables

influence the level of political participation. First,

political awareness of the government or it is political

system regarding the rights and obligations of

citizens. Such as political rights, economic rights,

legal protection rights, economic and social

obligations. Second, concerning how to assess and

appreciate government policies and their

implementation. This factor becomes ineffective

because influenced by other factors such as social

status, economic status, parental political affiliation,

and organizational experience. What is meant by

social status is one's position in society by wealth;

from income, expenditure, or possession of precious

objects. Someone with high social and economic

status has not only political knowledge but also have

political interests and concerns (Ramlan, 1992).

In addition, mostly the community and workers in

Bekasi Regency see the candidate from sociological

factors. It is because the voters are more familiar with

the background and the results of its performance like

Sadudin as a former Regent in the period 2007-2012

and Neneng who became the previous regent. It is the

reason of Obon and his partner lost the third rated of

the votes from the two pairs of the other candidates.

We can see from the number of voters who voted

Obon; the majority come from the workers, especially

labor unions FSPMI.

Beside several reasons above, some factors

caused the defeat of ObonTabroni in the local election

of Bekasi on 2017 are;

3.4.1 Lack of the Existence of ObonTabroni

among Society and Workers

Based on the results of the interview with the author

of the source ObonTabroni, Obon is the first

candidate regent in the history of elections in Bekasi

District carried by the workers. Obon is famous

among the workers and trade unions. However, in his

candidacy as a candidate, Obon regent charged to

existence in the eyes of the public of Bekasi because

a selection process needs publicity from the

candidate. The relevance popularity pairs of

candidates can promote the candidates to the

community. When people have already known the

candidates, the trust from the voters will arise. Track

Record of the candidate pair is also able to increase

public confidence in the candidate (Tabroni, 2018).

3.4.2 Money Politics among Workers and

Society

Money politics in the election is like thorns in the

flesh. Almost everyone knows that money politics

often exists in every election, but it is difficult to

eradicate its existence. Also, it takes hard work to

minimize money politics in every election in

Indonesia. The issue of money politics is no stranger

to be heard in Indonesia; even this phenomenon has

often occurred in Indonesia with their respective

levels. Based on interviews with Yanto as a chairman

of the political desk of FSPMI, he stated that in

Bekasi regency, money politics and the distribution

of basic foods at the time of general election is still

prevalent and demanding to be eliminated. It means

that people in Bekasi Regency tend to be pragmatic

in this local election.

Pragmatism is the behavior among the public as

well as workers voicing their interests over a moment

that rationally benefits them and their families

(Yanto, 2018). Based on the results of the interviews

it is obvious that the community and the workers

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393

prefer the candidate who gives money or another kind

of it if they can get what they want they will give their

votes to the prospective couple. The form of money

politic also diverse; some give subtly such as giving

public facilities, the distribution of basic foods, shirts,

some even openly give cash to voters on the grounds

as a substitute for food, transport, and support.

3.4.3 Voters Who Decide to Did Not Vote

Based on the data taken by the writer, one of the

factors of Obon Tabroni's defeat in the 2017 election

in Bekasi was the number of voters who did not use

their voting rights. It can be seen from the calculation

results of the Bekasi District Election Commission

which stated that around 39.1% of the people of

Bekasi regency did not use their voting rights (KPU

Kabupaten Bekasi, 2017). Based on the results of the

author's interviews with the speakers, several factors

influenced the low political participation of the

community and workers in Bekasi Regency which

made the community and workers apathetic. The

interviewee stated that: First, separate invitations

made voters reluctant to come to the polling station.

Second, voters who did not want to vote because they

felt disadvantaged by the existing candidate pairs.

Third, community and labor apathy emerged from the

disappointment in the absence of significant changes

in the effort to improve their welfare. In the end, the

disappointment of society and workers gave to the

candidates, political parties, and organizations by not

choosing anyone. Neither the candidates nor the

proponent could influence the voters to give their

votings rights (Tabroni, 2018).

4 CONCLUSIONS

There are several reasons why union votes could not

win ObonTabroni and his spouse in the 2017 election

in Bekasi Regency:

First, the lack of solidarity between trade unions

in Bekasi Regency. It is because the ideological

differences between trade unions are mainly among

the leaders of the trade union itself. Also, the workers

on 2017 election have their respective affiliations that

cannot be regulated or inviolable by anyone. Coupled

with the sound bombing factor or the betrayal of the

body of FSPMI itself. Second, the lack of political

experience of the workers in Indonesia, especially in

Bekasi Regency. The political behavior of the

electorate of the workers is still largely not

determined by his interests as a worker but rather of

other factors such as sociological, psychological and

rational choice.

In addition to the above reasons, there are also

factors that led to the defeat of ObonTabroni as an

independent candidate carried by the workers. First,

the lack of ObonTabroni popularity among Bekasi

regency community. ObonTabroni is less well known

among the people of Bekasi Regency so that people

tend to choose the couple they already know;

societies are more likely to see a candidate from

sociological factors. Second, money politics among

workers and society in Bekasi Regency. Money

politics and the distribution of foods at the time of the

general election still happened and difficult to

eradicate. Third, voters who did not vote or abstain.

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