Questioning Identity Politics in Multicultural Community:

Evidence in Kota Tangerang (2009-2013)

Khoirun Nisa

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Akhlaqul Karimah Symbol, Identity Politics, Politics of Multiculturalism

Abstract: The regional autonomy has opened more rooms for political identity. This study examines how majority

and minority groups respond to dominant identity politics promoted in public space by a local government

in the multicultural community. Examining Tangerang City as a case study, this study gathered data through

interviews from 30 respondents consisting of religious leaders, colleg students, and government employees

from various religious backgrounds along with observation and local policy analysis. This study shows how

identity politics in a multicultural community is perceived difeerently by respondents in two main

respondents. One, identity politics is positively perceived as it is a form of public education and supporting

tools for the government to convey their messages. On the other hand, it invites injustice to those of

minority groups. The identity politics used by local government showcases exclusivism and discrimination

overlooking those of minorities. The identity politics practice undermines pluralism as a character of a

place. It shows how government regressively accepts differences. This study reveals how the Indonesian

community needs to be treated equally in public places to represent their rights as citizens as Indonesia’s

spirit of Multiculturalism. This study also suggest that the politics of multiculturalism can be an alternative

to response the injustices and does not eliminate the goodness of identity politics practice.

1 INTRODUCTION

Diversity is a dominant character of Indonesia as a

nation, and is in the country’s motto, 'Unity in

Diversity' and Pancasila (Indonesia’s five

principles). Islam is the religion of the majority, but

Indonesia has never become an Islamic state. The

state form is based on the agreement on the founding

fathers when formulating Pancasila as the national

principles. However, attempts to include Islam in

politics and public lives continue to persist. Regional

autonomy in 1999 as transfer power from the central

government to regional leaders provides more

spaces for those of who in power to incorporate

Islam, as identity politics, in many regions in

Indonesia.

Moreover, identity politics practice is becoming a

trend in many parts of Indonesia, the practice,

however, triggers inequality and discrimination

against minority groups.

This study provides an

overview that use interpretation and public opinion

as a measuring tool to understand whether the

identity politics practice can nurture the diversity.

This research is a case study of Islamic Identity

Politics practice in Tangerang City during the

government of Wahidin Halim period 2009-2013.

Tangerang city with the nickname of a thousand

industrial city is a gathering place of various

religions and ethnicities. Tangerang City

Government uses the word 'akhlaqul karimah'

(Respectful Behavior) which originated from Arabic

as the motto and listed in Tangerang’s local vision.

The government implements akhlaqul karimah as a

motto of the city into several forms. There is the

policy,and the symbols of Islam spread out in city

public space. The word Allah (God) and Al Asmaul

Husna (The names of God) are used in many public

signs in main roads. A mosque is used as the city

icon for the city government next to the local

government offices. Akhlaqul Karimahis as well

manifested in city regulation on Muslim dress code

for students and government employee, no-alcohol

and no prostitute regulation.

This study uses the symbolic interactionism

approach with qualitative methods of in-depth

interviews, focus group discussions, observation,

field notes, and documentation. The use of this

method is based on the reason for the depth and the

Nisa, K.

Questioning Identity Politics in Multicultural Community: Evidence in Kota Tangerang (2009-2013).

DOI: 10.5220/0009933416591666

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1659-1666

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

1659

details of data obtained. It is important because the

main source of data is from the results of the

opinions, interpretations, attitudes, and actions of

several important community groups. The

Interviews were conducted with 30 respondents

from 6 religious leaders -Islam, Protestant

Christianity, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and

Confucianism- 18 religious activists of each religion

(each consisting of 3 males and 3 female activists), 3

Muslim and non-Muslim students, and 3 government

employees of Tangerang City Muslim and Non

Muslim. Data collection took five months from

March to July 2010. The number of respondents

mentioned above is limited and certainly can not

generalize and represent all the people of Tangerang.

However, this research can capture the narrative or

voice of people who have similar characteristics to

the respondents, and the findings of research can be

applied in similar contexts.

This study interpretes that the identity politics

practice as an educative and progressive policy for

the city of Tangerang. However, Arabization

attached to the symbols in public spaces is

interpreted as exclusive and discriminatory against

minorities. Politics of multiculturalism can be an

alternative policy in responding to the injustice of

the identity politics practice and does not eliminate

the positive side of the identity politics practice.

2 THE LITERATURE REVIEWS

The literature reviews is devided into two categories,

the studies about implementation the identity politics

and the studies about the implementetion of politics

multiculturalism. The debate of implementation of

politics multiculturalism can be found in Amy

Gutmann (ed) (2017), Multiculruralism: Examining

The politics of Recognition. (al, 2017) This book

compares how the politics of multiculturalism define

into some different ways by multiculturalist and

libertarian scholars. The multiculturalist is

represented by Charles Taylor who emphasizes that

the politics of recognition is the most appropriate

way for the state to response plurality. He shows

how Canada is become a success country in

applying the politics of recognition. While

libertarian scholars are represented by K. Anthony

Appiah, Jurgen Habermas, Steven C. Rockfeller,

Michael Walzer and Susan Wolf. They emphasize

neutrality is the best way for the state in responding

the plurality. At least, the are five discussion which

become the subject of debate between them. First,

The concept good of life of society. Second, basic

recognition of community equality. Third, public

sphere of plural society. Fourth, the best role of

government in responding the diversity. Five, the

life foundation that is applied in plural society.

The other literature is used by the authors is

Bikhu Parekh (2017), with the title Rethinking

Multiculturalism,Cultural Diversity and Political

Theory. (Parekh, 2017) Parekh describe deeply

about multiculturalism. Multiculturalism is not only

about differences and identities, but involves things

are embedded and supported in culture, such as how

a group of people understand themselves through a

set of beliefs and practices from culture.

Multicultural society involves three types of cultural

diversity, such as subcultural diversity, perspectival

diversity and communal diversity. The

implementation of politics of multiculturalism can

be seen when Pareks takes an examples of

multicultural society form from a few countries

(England, France, Turkish, Canada, India, etc). The

dialog amongst cultural groups is the key of

successful of realizing multiculturalism in harmony.

Another study is Will Kymlicka (1996) in

Multicultural Citezenship: A Liberal Theory of

Minority Right. (Kymlicka, 1996) Unlike the other

contemporary libertarian, who consider the politics

of recognition is contrary to the concept of

liberalism. In his book, Kymlicka emphasizes that

the concept of politics of recognition in line with

principles of liberalism, such as individual freedom

and social justice. This can be seen in the

determination of three rights of minority groups that

should be accomodated by the state, such as self-

government rights for sub-state national groups, no

discrimination rights for minority polyetnic groups,

and special representation rights for minority groups

in state legislature. For Kymlicka, citizenship rights

are a central issue in the future of liberal traditions in

all parts of the world.

There are studies examining identity politics in

Indonesia. One of them is the study has been

conducted by CSRC (Center for The Study of

Religion and Culture) UIN Jakarta (2007) with the

title Syariat Islam dan HAM, Dampak Perda

Syari’at terhadap Kebebasan Sipil, Hak-hak

Perempuan, dan Non Muslim. (S. Kamil, 2007)This

study explores the impact of the implementation of

politics islamic identity in six regions in Indonesia.

There are Bireun Districts, Tasikmalaya Districts,

Bulukumba Districts, Bima Districts, Indramayu

Districts and Tangerang City. This study focuses on

how the identity politics impact to the human rights

(expression freedom right, religion freedom right

and fear freedom right) of three groups, namely

women, non-Muslims and civil liberties. This study

shows that identity politics bring positive impacts to

society, such as increasing piety and public security.

Besides, the identity politics threaten the civil

ICRI 2018 - International Conference Recent Innovation

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liberties, women and non Muslims rights. The

identity politics is also considered to be less

procedurally democratic and it is only political

agenda. The regulation of identity politics has

invited intolerance and exclusiveness in society.

Moreover, some law in identity politics frame also

raise doubts in the community regarding the

reflection of sincerity in worship, because worship

affairs are imposed by the state.

The other study of contestation of identity

politics also conducted by CSRC UIN Syarif

Hidayatullah Jakarta (2011). They concluded that

the penetration of Islamic symbols in public space

does not threaten democracy in Indonesia (N. Hasan,

I. Abubakar, U. I. N. S. H. J. C., 2011). Ahmad

Syafi’I Ma’arif (2011) also stressed that the practice

of identity politics in Indonesia would not risk

pluralism (Maarif, 2010). However, there has not

been a study on the politics of multiculturalism as a

response to the practice of identity politics. The

study, therefore, will highlight how identity politics

can create multiculturalist politics practice. The

diverse community in Indonesia requires a policy

that acknowledges the plurality. The government

considers the identity politics as anaccommodation

towards the majority groups. On the other hand,

identity politics leads to injustice against minority

groups. The politics of multiculturalism is an

alternative to response to the injustices and does not

eliminate the goodness of identity politics practice.

3 THE EXISTENCE OF ISLAMIC

SYMBOLS IN PUBLIC SPACES

The existence of akhlaqul karimah symbol in public

spaces of Tangerang City invites two different

responses, between those who support and refuse.

There are three positive opinions posted by the

respondents. First, the symbol of akhlaqul karimah

is a form of education for the community. 13

respondents stated that the launching of akhlaqul

karimah as Tangerang’s local vision along with the

Islamic symbols in the public space aims to create

noble behavior amongst citizens. Six respondents

from 13 respondents above assessed the

performance of government employees positively.

For example, government employees are no longer

in public places during working hours, such as

markets, restaurants, or malls. Four respondents also

added that the government is capable of providing

good examples to the public. For example, the

government issued a ban on smoking regulations for

government employees and students. Creating a

positive image in the eyes of society is important as

a prerequisite for the realization of excellent service.

Excellence public services will affect the supportive

collective action of society to the government

because awareness and volunteerism are not

coercive (Yuningsih, 2004). Successful government

programs bring progress to the performance of

government employees are one of the things that

people are looking forward to seeing.

Second, the symbol of akhlaqul karimah gives

the religious image of Tangerang City. For eight

respondents, the spread of akhlaqul karimah

symbols in public spaces create an atmosphere city

of Islamic nuances. This statement is based on the

assumption that the symbol of akhlaqul karimah is a

reminder of society to increase the piety. However,

this assumption seems to require further research to

prove it. Based on research CSRC UIN Jakarta

(2011) on the implementation of Islamic Sharia in

six cities in Indonesia, stated that the formalization

of religious by the state resulted in compulsion and

false obedience towards religious laws (S. Kamil,

2007). The symbolization of religion cannot be used

as a benchmark for the piety of society so that the

government is expected to be able to internalize

religious values into the soul of society not only in

the form of symbols.

Third, akhlaqul karimah as the motto of

Tangerang City is a form of response to the social

deviation. Local regulation No.7/2005 on alcohol

bans and local regulation No.8/2005 on prostitution

are two of the most popular policies in Tangerang

society as a concrete action of the akhlaqul karimah

symbol. Five respondents from Muslim and non-

Muslim are optimistic toward the application of two

regulations on alcohol and prostitution ban while the

remaining respondents are skeptical. For those who

feel optimistic, two regulations are a response to the

anxiety of the people over the years. They feel that

the atmosphere of Tangerang City is more secure

after the implementation of these two regulations.

For example, at night, sex workers are no longer seen

on the main roads of Jl. TMP Taruna and Jl. Veteran.

Respondents feel safe when walking after 10 PM.

Furthermore, these respondents demand a higher

penalty sanction for the perpetrators of irregularities

a more deterrent effect. The political conception of

Islamic identity uses mechanism and completion as a

defense for all the nation's crisis that works to cure

all diseases caused by the multidimensional crisis

that befall Indonesia (Z. Kamal). On the other hand,

the expectations of the respondents on the

effectiveness of the law are to prove the weakness of

the police as the state apparatus in providing security

to the community.

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Skeptics -consisting of Muslim and non-Muslim

respondents-, argue that the implementation of the

prostitution law threatens ignites anxiety in civil

society. For four respondents, the law application is

not appropriate in industrialized societies such as

Tangerang City. The implementation of the local

regulation causes fears,in particular for women to go

out at night. They worry about being suspected as

prostitutes. This fear is based on the provisions in

the regulations -paragraph 1 article 4- on which the

referral to arrest on suspicion. The provision does

not uphold the principle of the presumption of

innocence which should be guaranteed by the

legislation. The legislation stressed the importance

of everyone's right to be presumed innocent until

proved guilty legally in a court (Hak Asasi Manusia,

1999). It shows that the Tangerang City prohibition

regulation issued a conflict with some law that was

higher above it (Media Indonesia),. For example,

Law No.7/1984 on Ratification of the Convention on

the elimination of all forms of discrimination against

women, Law No.39/1999 on Human Rights, Law

No.112/2005 on Civil Rights convention and Law

No.10/2004 on the Establishment of Legislation.

Tangerang City is an industrial city, where most of

the population is urban people who come from

different regions. Women working late into the night

are inevitable. Thus, the application of local

regulations to the provisions of article 4, paragraph 1

is not appropriate.

The skeptics also assume that the concept of

akhlaqul karimah does not bring significant change.

The enforcement both regulations do not eliminate

the practice of prostitution and liquor in Tangerang

City, but it only creates an unclear definition to

those of perpetrators. Even for three non-Muslim

respondents from four respondents above added that

the impact of the implementation of the law is

repressive. Furthermore, respondents commented on

how prostitute ban regulation is a catchphrase and is

not the solution of the real problem. This assumption

is supported by Rida Hesti Ratnasari (2009) in her

thesis, that the implementation of regulation in

Tangerang City has not been able to combat

prostitution, as a practice of prostitution still

operates in secret. The regulation does not make sex

workers lose their jobs. They even practice

prostitution outside the Tangerang City, such as

Daan Mogot West Jakarta, Kampung Melayu, Teluk

Naga and other borders (Ratnasari, 2009).

The interpretation controversy comes from the

using of Arabic word in ‘akhlaqul karimah’ symbol.

First, those who do not have a problem with the

Arabization symbols, and second those who disagree

of it. Seven respondents from Muslim religious

leaders, Confucian and Hindu religious leaders, are

unwilling to engage in controversy over the use of

the language. For them, the use of Arabic with the

majority language is intended for people to

understand the meaning of symbols better. The most

important thing is the substance not in the language

used. Nor did the Confucian people question the

language used in symbols, even assuming the

Islamic language has acculturated them. The Islamic

religious leaders even ask the government to

continue to improve and spawn various other

policies within the framework of akhlaqul karimah.

The emergence of such views indicates the

agreement and support to the government policy in

applying the symbol of the majority religion. The

above fact also implies the apologetic attitudes of

some minority groups of a public understanding that

majority groups have a larger portion to present their

beliefs than any other group exclusively.

As for some other respondents, both Muslims

and non-Muslims put forward the opposite

interpretation. The use of the majority language in a

city symbol indicates and causes opposite behaviors.

First, the government is exclusive, 13 respondents

stated that the symbol of the city by using the Arabic

language indicates that the government only

represents a particular religion (Islam) and does not

consider other religions. They opt to replace

akhlaqul karimah words with Indonesian term. For

example, good manners or good behavior. They add

that the application of Islamic symbolization to the

public sphere raises the desire for minority groups to

meet their religious needs, such as the permit for the

construction of the Catholic church, where

Tangerang City has only one Catholic church. As

Abdullahi Ahmed an-Na'im pointed out, one of the

dominant traits of religion is to be exclusive, where

its adherents tend to negate other religious traditions

(shari'a), assuming their religious traditions are

superior (An-Na'im, 1996). Government

exclusiveness causes minority groups to feel second

class citizens. The use of symbolic language using

Indonesian language creates a better public

understanding of the meaning of symbols and does

not cause ambiguity.

Secondly, six respondents from minority groups

feel alieniated and do not understand the meaning of

symbols. This alienation causes them to be unable to

define the meaning of symbols and to assume that

the symbol of akhlaqul karimah is directed only to

Muslims. The symbol of the city is a public

agreement that should be understood meaning and

usefulness by society (Charon, 2010). This fact

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becomes important requirements in the existence of

a symbol of the city. First, the meaning and

representation of symbols are not well conveyed to

some people. Second, the symbol of the city should

be a profound meaning for the collective life of a

society.

Third, the use of language majority in symbols is

discriminatory, thus raising the assumption for four

respondents that minority groups can not eradicate

social problems in society. On the other hand, the

assumption suggests that the Muslim group as the

majority has a greater responsibility to provide good

examples to other communities.

The disapproval of some of these people

showsthe form of silent violence. Eight respondents

from 23 respondents who disagreed added that they

did not dare to express their disapproval in public as

they feel like a minority group. For them, they can

only talk within their limited circles who they know

have the same attitude or mumble to themselves.

The attitude shown by these minorities leads to the

government's tendency to be hegemonic. In a

hegemonic perspective, the global culture that the

government represents is singular. All cultural

expressions including their symbolic expressions

refer to the dominant expression (Ismail, 2012).

Government exclusivism causes minority groups to

have limited freedom because they accept and agree

on something that the state elite persuades. Even the

imposition of a system of symbolism and meaning

towards other groups, so that its legitimate part is the

symbol of violence (Jenkins).

Associated with the influence of symbols for 30

respondents, 21 respondents feel the influence,

whilethe other nine respondents did not feel any

significant change. For the first group, the akhlaqul

karimah symbol is more influential in the condition

of Tangerang City as a whole than to themselves as

citizens. Regarding policy, the government issued

local ordinance (Perda) No.7/2005 on the

Prohibition of Liquor, local ordinance (Perda)

No.8/2005 on Prohibition of Prostitution, Regulation

No. 5 Year 2010 on Non-Smoking Area, and other

regulations on education, health, and religion. The

government has also succeeded in increasing

significant development and achievement in

education, regional finance, environment, health,

infrastructure, etc. The government is more open by

providing communication media for the community

through “Sms Walikota.” Answers to community

suggestions and criticism are published on a local

daily every Monday. The government opens a line of

communication through the official website of the

Tangerang City Government. On the other hand, 9

of 30 respondents stated that the progress made by

Tangerang City government indirectly succeeded in

closing down the resistance that occurred in the

counter against the phenomenon of Islamic

symbolization. The government's hegemonic attitude

is considered a price to be paid for the progress that

has taken place in Tangerang City.

4 POLITICS

MULTICULTURALISM:

ANSWERING PLURALITY

CHALLENGES

The politics of multiculturalism emphasizes a policy

that recognizes and accommodates diverse identities

within a plural society. By nature, human beings are

strongly related to their cultural identity,and human

beings are culturally different. Two key words in the

application of multicultural politics are recognition

and accommodation. In the context of Tangerang

City, the injustice of the practice of Islamic

symbolization in the public sphere is proved by the

disagreement of 23 people from 30 respondents to

the use of Arabic in the city’s motto and the

symbols. They declared the government to be

exclusive, discriminatory and some of them did not

understand the meaning of symbols. In the

multiculturalism, the government is not justified to

legalize a concept of goodness possessed by one

identity (al, 2017). Public spaces are an appropriate

means for governments to reflect recognition and

accommodation of cultural diversity. There is no

doctrine or political ideology that can reflect the full

truth about human life. Each of the individualsis

embedded in a particular culture that has differences

in the concepts of kindness and also has limitations.

Therefore, each culture requires another culture to

better its understanding and broadens intellectual

and moral horizons (Parekh, 2017). Realizing the

dialogue can be mutually beneficial between

cultures.

Dialogue is one way for governments to facilitate

equality of identity groups. The research findings

show that there is a demand of minority groups to be

recognized and accommodated for their needs as

identity groups. The value of the equality of society

is not seen through uniformity, but equal treatment

must is the basis of human differences. The same

treatment only forms humans in one particular

direction and is blind to differences (Parekh, 2017).

Accomodation of cultural differences is a step

towards achieving a tolerant and inclusive

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1663

democracy (Kymlicka, 1996). The government is

required to identify and acknowledge the needs of

identity group through dialogue and negotiation.

Thus, the government can establish a flexible and

sensitive policy based on the plurality.

Therefore, the practice of Islamic symbolization

is a form of government accommodation to one

majority group. One of the most important values in

the politics of multiculturalism is the provision of

accommodation to identity groups, especially

minorities. (Kymlicka, 1996). The results showed

that 26 people from 30 respondents stated that the

presence of Islamic symbolization uses the public

space as something educational towards the

community. This statement shows the goodness of

identity politics. In other words, the application of

Islamic symbolization is a step toward the practice

of further multicultural politics. The government can

achieve equity if it can accomodate other cultural

needs to other identity groups.

The needs of identity recognition in public spere

more demanding. Recognition is a basic need of

humankind. For Kymlicka, the social justice can be

applied by realizing three rights for the minority

groups, such as self-government rights for sub-state

national groups, no discrimination rights for

minority polyetnic groups, and special

representation rights for minority groups in state

legislature. Citizenship rights are a central issue in

the future of liberal traditions in all parts of the

world. (Kymlicka, 1996) Canada is one of the

country which can be mentioned as a success

country in applying the politics multiculturalism.

There are three groups as the main subject of the

application of the politics of multiculturalism in

Canada, including the national minority groups (sub-

state national groups), such as the Quebec

community, indigenous ethnic groups and immigrant

groups. That three groups get special rights to fulfill

the cultural aspirations they did not get before. For

example, Quebec people get special autonomy to

develop themselves in terms of managing their own

government affairs -federalism-. The other

accommodation for Quebec people is special

representative rights to the state legislature.

Likewise for indigenous groups, indigenous

assimilation policies are changed into policies that

can accommodate their cultural needs, such as

territorial rights agreements, language rights, self-

government rights, fishing rights, hunting rights and

so on. As for immigrant groups, the Canadian

government also provides accommodation as well as

restrictions. Accommodation provided by the

Canadian government includes, among other things,

anti-discrimination legal protection, a financing

program. Likewise there are cultural boundaries

given by the state to immigrants, such as the use of

sharp weapons at religious ceremonies, wearing

veils, voting rights in elections, and placing religious

symbols on public institutions. The specific policies

above are a way to improve their equality before the

public. In addition to specific policies, the Canadian

government implemented several provisions, such as

the provision of religious schools -Catholic and

Protestant-. Besides, Britain and France become the

official languages of Canada by considering the

position of the majority in their society. (Bertrand,

2011)

The key of politics multiculturalism practices in

Canada is the flexibility and state’s ability to adapt

the identity differences. Canada's success should be

exemplified by the government to be implemented in

Tangerang City. For example, Muslim dress

regulations for government employees and school

children can still be applied as an accommodation

for the needs of Muslim groups. Some respondents

show a goodness Akhlaqul Karimah regulation.

However, the Tangerang City government is also

required to be flexible towards non-Muslims. The

government needs to issue a written policy of

dispensation or exemptions for non-Muslims and

those who consider that Muslim dress is not part of

belief. This kind of policy can prevent exclusivity

and discrimination for minority groups.

Likewise with Regional Regulation No. 8/2005

concerning the Prohibition of Prostitution as the

implementation of the akhlaqul karimah. There are

words in that regulation considered as multiple

interpretations and discriminatory. This case invited

many critics and demands to replace the biased

words with clearer and easier words. At this point,

government flexibility is needed by replacing the

words in the contents of the law that can be accepted

by all circles. However, the practice of prostitution

is a form of social deviation. Flexibility is the right

way to implement Perda in a total manner based on

justice. Flexibility also can be applied in

implementation of Regulation No.7/2005 concerning

Prohibition of Liquor. For example, Hindus who use

alcoholic elements in upakara (ritual means) - as

embodiments of Panca Tattwa - are given exceptions

and legal protection during religious rituals. It will

show that the government respects the sacredness of

the cultural traditions of cultural group. As Bhikhu

Parekh emphasized that the concepts of respect,

equality and opportunity need to be interpreted in

culturally sensitive behavior. Facilities, resources or

a series of actions only become silent and passive

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opportunities if they do not get cultural impetus or

cultural knowledge. (Parekh, 2017)

Basically, the symbolization of Islam in the

public sphere and its policies is a cultural expression

of the majority. This needs to be respected with the

note that the Tangerang City government issued a

special policy aimed at other cultural groups as a

form of government flexibility and sensitivity. The

ability of the government to guarantee the plurality

and differences is an important value in the policy of

multiculturalism. Thus, the government can be fair

to the majority and minority groups at once. As

Parsudi Suparlan stated that the application of

multiculturalism can be carried out if political

decisions are able to guarantee equality of plurality.

This is base on the concept of justice by eliminating

steriotypes and prejudices in implementing policies

and law enforcement. (Suparlan, 2008)

The Islamic symbols in the public sphere of

Tangerang City basically has same meaning as other

religions belief. Unfortunately, the arabization which

attached in symbols invite suspicions, debates and at

same time close the value of goodness which are

contained of the symbols. The universalization of

symbols in the city public space is the right step to

eliminate public distrust to the government. The

government has to rethink the characteristics of

Tangerang City that can be felt, admittedly even

proudly shared by every citizen. Thus, the

government becomes a unifying agent of society that

is friendly to the diversity in terms of tradition,

religion and ethnicity.

In the broader context, Indonesia has the

potential for the continuity of multicultural politics.

The diversity of identity is something that has been

interpreted appropriately by the motto of Bhinneka

Tunggal Ika (Different State Remains One Purpose).

Indonesia is also a country that adopts a multi-party

system in the democracy. This system allows

minority groups to have a party to voice their

aspirations. Likewise, regional autonomization can

serve as an opportunity for local governments to

issue policies by the characteristics of their

respective regional diversity.

5 CONCLUSION

The majority and minority groups interpet the

identity politic practices in Tangerang City in

several ways. First, a form of education for the

community. Second, giving a religious impression to

the community. Third, a form of government in

responding to the positive social deviation. While

other respondents consider the policy is repressive,

Arabization in symbols also raises both approval and

scepticism from the respondents. For those whop

agree, the using of majority language in symbols is

meant to make people understand more about

symbols. While the sceptics considered that the

government was exclusive and discriminatory, even

some non-Muslim respondents did not understand

the meaning of the symbols. This fact shows that

there is the value of goodness as well as a weakness

in the practice of identity politics. The identity

politics is capable of bringing regional progress but

against the plurality. Thus, the politics of

multiculturalism can be used as a policy for local

governments in responding to the good and the

drawback of the practice of identity politics. This

study aims to be a recommendation for local

governments in making policies that are a plurality

friendly, and contributing to other researchers who

want to investigate the same study.

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