Rethinking Muslim Democrats: Indonesian and Turkish Models of

Democracy in the Post Arab Spring Countries

M. Sya’roni Rofii

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: Arab Spring, Muslim Democrats, Indonesia, Turkey, Tunisia

Abstract: Turkey and Indonesia are two Muslim countries that have long experiences in managing democracy.

Indonesia and Turkey hold a predicate as a predominantly Muslim country with a secular character which

give them the privilege to claim the status as a model for democracy in the Muslim World. The event of the

Arab Spring which change the landscape of politics in the Middle East also opens a space for both countries

to share their model of democracy. This paper explains the place of Indonesian and Turkish democracy

model in the middle of a democratic transition in post Arab Spring countries. The paper also shows the new

transformations in Middle East countries especially Tunisia after installing fundamental pillars of

democracy within its system. Tunisia succeeds in managing transition because of the support from civil

society organizations and political leaders, while the rest are unstable. Decisions to transform state system

from authoritarian toward democracy in most Arab Spring countries mostly initiated by non-governmental

organization who have international network. This paper using qualitative approach, while during the

process of research, the author elaborates number of the latest data in the form of books, research reports,

and news to answers research question of the research.

1 INTRODUCTION

Indonesia and Turkey are two countries which have

a long tradition in establishing a democratic system.

Both countries represent a model of Muslim

democrats because of the majority of its population

are Muslim and adopted democracy as an integral

part of their nation-building. Both countries also

have similarities regarding relations between the

state and religion. Indonesia on the one hand since

its independence attempt to consolidate its

democracy since its independence from the Dutch,

while Turkey since the establishment of the republic

always attempts to restore its democracy every time

military coup takes place (Bruinessen, 2011).

Both countries also represent the success story of

combinations between Islam and democracy. The

ability of these countries in combining Islam and

democracy also makes Huntington's thesis about

clashes between civilizations lose its significance.

Because the two countries embrace Western values

and internalize the value for a transformation of the

countries. Indonesia and Turkey proved that Islam

and democracy are compatible (Huntington, 1993).

Indonesia and Turkey reach a positive

development after consolidated its democracy, for

the past fifteen years, both countries are part of the

group of twenty largest economies in the world

which called G-20. Their membership in the club

insisting this argument.

As an addition, the ability to maintain democracy

and to improve economy gave them the privilege to

speak to other Muslim countries about their success

in managing democracy. The Turkish leader, Recep

Tayyip Erdogan, for example, used to speak about

Turkish democracy during his visit to the Middle

East then called his counterparts to learn from

Turkey's experiment. While Indonesia, although not

too aggressive in offering its models, the leaders of

the country create an event called Bali Democracy

Forum (BDF) to expose their achievement after

consolidating its democracy. Both countries using

promotion of democracy concept to open the door

for further cooperation in many sectors.

When we look back toward the transformation in

Indonesia and Turkey, we can see how the country

started the process through political liberalization,

the establishment of a free and fair election,

Roﬁi, M.

Rethinking Muslim Democrats: Indonesian and Turkish Models of Democracy in the Post Arab Spring Countries.

DOI: 10.5220/0009933816911698

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1691-1698

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

1691

increasing awareness on the issue of human rights in

every level.

Overall, the new face of Indonesia and Turkey

today is a result of democratization. In the name of

democracy, the country can prevent the emergence

of an authoritarian regime, allowing civil society to

criticize the ruling party, as well as increasing the

feeling of confidence within civilian leader to

control the military. The stability at the domestic

level enables them to expand their influence in

international politics through multilateral diplomacy

(Przeworski, Mansfield, & Sisson, 2004).

2 INDONESIAN AND TURKISH’S

EXPERIENCE ON MANAGING

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION

Indonesian's experience on managing democratic

transition started since the momentum of

"Reformasi" which means reform in 1997. Between

1997 to 1998 it was hard days for Asian countries

marked by the wave of the economic crisis which hit

whole Asia. The ’’Reformasi’’ was a term used by

Indonesian middle class to end the military

dictatorship of Suharto's regime which ruled the

nation for more than 30 years. The years after

reformation were the hardest part of the transition

for the state because the political realities within the

state were very complicated and diversified

regarding languages, races, cultures, political

ideologies, and religions.

Pro reformation activists have a serious concern

related to the situation during the transitional period

because the existence of Suharto's loyalists

especially "hardliners" within state structure ranging

from the judiciary, military and bureaucracy

institutions still can regain power from the

transitional government (Aspinall & Mietzner,

2010). If these groups could create horizontal

conflict at the domestic level by using ethnic issues

to provoke the masses, it would bring Indonesia into

a different version of Balkanization. The issue of

identity is susceptible in Indonesian politics either

during Suharto's period or after the fall of his

regime. However, when the transitional government

succeeds in organizing a general election in 1999

which involving 48 political parties, the signs of

optimism re-emerge in Indonesia. Since that day

Indonesian try to increase the quality of their

democracy (J.A., 2006).

The period of transition often described as "an

interval between one political regime to another"

(J.A., 2006). Referring to this concept, we can say

that Indonesia and Turkey are on its process to reach

another level of democracy either constitutional

liberal democracy or electoral democracy or illiberal

democracy (Munck, 1996). In the last two decades,

Indonesia appears with a new image and more

confident in offering its democracy model to its

neighbors in the Asia Pacific and the world. The

Indonesian government holds an annual event called

Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in order to discuss

the development of democracy in various countries,

as a place where the ideas of democracy discussed

and exchanged (Bali Democration Forum). This

event was an effort to send a message to the world

that the face of new Indonesia is more democratic

compared to 30 years ago and calling the states

which are still facing the problem of democratic

transition to learning from Indonesian model. Even

though the issues of corruption which involving

political actors and political oligarchy still become

the main obstacles for Indonesian development on

democracy issue.

Turkey also has similar story with Indonesia in

terms of the influence of economic crisis to the

political instability, compare to Indonesia, Turkey

has faced frequent political breakdowns in time of

economic crisis, including the economic crisis in

November 2000 and February 2001 where Turkey

faced difficult situation and demanding international

financial assistance to recover their economy (Onis,

2010). Political climate during this period was still

fragile because political parties were unable to form

stable coalition inter-party and at the same time the

shadow of military intervention always emerge in a

time of crisis (Heper & Tachau, 1983).

Compared to Indonesia which still deals with the

issue of restoring democratic system after the

collapse of Suharto's regime who only allowed three

parties to compete in every general election and

placed Golkar party with special status and

privilege, Turkey during this period has already

established strong political infrastructure that allow

every political party to compete in a free and fair

manner. As shown in the 2002 general election

where political parties compete to attract voters with

various issues. The main issue during this moment

was how to revamp the national economy after a

wave of economic crisis and a possibility of Turkish

membership in the European Union.

Political preferences within the voters during this

period was a reflection on how political parties react

to the economic situation and offer a solution to the

problem regardless of their ideological background.

In 2002 general election AKP (Adalet Kalkinma

ICRI 2018 - International Conference Recent Innovation

1692

Partisi or Justice and Development Party), a newly

established party with Islamist background won a

landslide victory. The victory of the AKP in 2002

for some scholars seen as the repetition of the era of

the 1950s and 1980s denoted by the victory of

Democrat Party and Motherland Party by

maximizing economic issue and attempted to

challenge the status quo in Turkish politic (Carkoglu

& Kalaycioglu, 2007).

The victory of the AKP in general election also

brought them to rule the nation with the single

government after the nation witnessed last single

government during Turgut Ozal's period in the 1980s

(Keyman, 2005). When the party established the

new government, then they started to implement

policies which prepared to accelerate the process of

reform to adjust with the standard of the

international organizations. At the domestic level,

the ruling party attempted to fulfill the precondition

from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for

financial assistance and the European Union (EU)

for the full Turkish membership (Onis, Turkey - EU

Relations: Beyond the Current Stalemate, 2008).

3 THE NARRATIVE OF

DEMOCRACY IN POST-ARAB

SPRING COUNTRIES

The narrative of democracy in the last decade

becomes main attention of scholars and world

leaders because of the increasing number of

democratic countries and political turbulence in

several countries after the wave of revolution which

ousting authoritarian regimes in the Middle East

(Fukuyama, 2015). Compare to 1974 when the

"Third Wave" term of democracy introduced by

Samuel Huntington after the fall of authoritarian

regimes in Portugal, Spain then followed by the

other countries in Eastern Europe, Asia, and Latin

America; recent trend shows many electoral

democracies increased three times reached 110

countries.

The increasing number of electoral democracies

and expanding of democratic value across the globe

inseparable from the impact of globalization process

where the interaction among nations brought them to

exchange ideas directly and share various values, in

this case, democratic value. The rivalry between the

United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold

War also must be considered as a dominant factor

behind the spreading of democracy (Huntington, The

Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth

Century, 1991).

Guillermo O'Donnell in his book describes

characteristics of consolidated democracy in two

phases: First, the transition from dictator regime

towards democracy by installing democratic

instrument. Second, the period of consolidated

democracy where every political actor considered

democracy as “the only game in town” and there is

no possibility of reverse (Valenzuela, 1991).

As an addition, Indonesia and Turkey show its

transformation, marked by the decreasing influence

of the military in politics, the involvement of

military pensioner in political parties, revision of the

martial law, taking over business sector from

military ownership. For reform in the security

sector, Indonesia also amended the concept of the

dual function of military or "Dwi Fungsi ABRI" in

2004. While Turkey, since 2003 the ruling party

proposed amendment of law relating to civil-military

relations, one of them strengthening the role of a

civilian in National Security Council (MGK), one of

the most influential bodies in the state.

Ted Piccone, a senior researcher in the

Brookings Institution, in his book "Five Rising

Democracies," put Indonesia and Turkey together

with other three countries including India, Brazil,

and South Africa as a group who can maximize

democratic stability at domestic level and accelerate

their economic development. According to Piccone,

these countries share same experiences on how these

states rebuild after decades of military domination

who played a principal role, how the mentality of

their leaders after long period colonialism, the

impact of apartheid policy and state

authoritarianism. In its development, these countries

could manage the democratic transition and became

more open to the global market and participated in

resolving world economic problems through their

membership in the international financial regime

such as World Bank and International Monetary

Fund (IMF) (Piccone, 2016). Piccone in his book

explained the reasons behind the success of those

countries:

“…1. They leaped from closed, authoritarian,

illiberal governance to more open, representative,

and accountable political and economic systems; 2.

They made impressive progress in delivering better

standards of living for their citizens, and their

success as aspiring democratic powers could

potentially impact other societies striving for

change; 3. Their remarkably diverse populations,

evident in multiple languages, ethnicities, and

religions, distinguish them from more homogeneous

Rethinking Muslim Democrats: Indonesian and Turkish Models of Democracy in the Post Arab Spring Countries

1693

and relatively cohesive societies such as Poland,

South Korea, and Chile” (Piccone, 2016).

Piccone also highlights the case of Indonesia and

Turkey. He argued that the reasons behind

Indonesian success in managing their democracy

including the increase of the middle class,

establishment of free and fair principle during the

election, and law enforcement. These facts make

Indonesia become an example of how development

can support democracy.

While Turkey, according to Piccone, succeeds in

managing its economy and democracy after the

establishment of single government in 2002 and

became the first single government since 1987.

During this period AKP appear as a new regime that

could tackle the economic problem in Turkey

between 2002-13 when Turkish economy grew

significantly till 253 percent, which implied to

increasing number of million middle class (Piccone,

2016).

4 PORTRAIT OF GENERAL

ELECTION AFTER THE

REVOLUTION

For the time being, when we look back to the event

of Arab Spring in 2011 and how the dynamic and

changes in every country which experiencing

revolution, Tunisia is the only country that has been

the most successful through the transition period of

post-Arab Spring democracy. Because neighbouring

countries such as Libya, Egypt, Yemen, and Syria

have not been able to get out from the instability

zone because the democratic transition has not yet

been realized.

While the neighbouring country attempting to

establish political and security stability, Tunisia

succeed in organizing two general elections since the

fall of Ben Ali regime. Tunisia can hold legislative

elections in October 2011, followed by the general

election in October 2014, and not forget to mention

the latest regional election in May 2018.

During the transition period, Tunisia also

succeeded in amending the law initiated by a

coalition of non-governmental organizations in

Tunisia. The amendment of the constitution was

initiative from a civil society organization in order to

create a democratic atmosphere after the fall of Ben

Ali's regime.

Tunisia also shows us the phenomenon of the

Ennahda Party. Ennahda maintains the rhythm of

national stability by sticking to the mechanisms that

apply in Tunisia. At first, many observers doubted

Ennahda's ability to guard the democratic transition

in Tunisia because of the leadership of Rached

Ganouchi. Ghanouchi considered as a leader who

fights for Islamic struggle. In the history of Tunisia,

it was noted that the conflict between Islamic groups

and the ruling regime has emerged since Tunisia was

established as a country. Rached Ganouchi’s

background also insisting his figure as a person who

led the Islamic struggle against the authoritarian Ben

Ali regime. The strict approach of the Ben Ali

regime made Ganouchi, and a number of his friends

choose to leave Tunisia as an asylum seeker in the

UK (Anne Wolf, 2017).

When Ennahda Party won the general election

after the revolution, Gannouchi send a clear message

to the people of Tunisia that his party will not

change the country system become ideology of

Islam. He also assured that even though Ennahda has

Islamist background but did not representing

conservative faction in Islam. The government of

Ennahda will respect lifestyle of the people of

Tunisia. In a specific comment, the party’s leaders

mentioning the existence of secular and liberal

element of society who have tradition to drink

alcohol, wear bikini, attending night club and

another forms of liberal life style are guaranteed by

the government.

As a leader and the founder of party Ghannouchi,

in his speech in front of his supporters said that "We

will continue this revolution to realize its aims of a

Tunisia that is free, independent, developing and

prosperous, in which the rights of God, the Prophet,

women, men, the religious and the non-religious are

assured because Tunisia is for everyone".

In 2014, Tunisia enter new phase of

transformation because Nida Tunis won general

election. Nida Tunis which representing nationalist

and secular faction in Tunisian politics gain majority

seats in parliament while Ennahda lost the power.

The defeat suffered by Ennahda was not responded

in non-democratic ways. Ghannouchi as chairman of

the Ennahda party congratulated his rival Beci Caid

Essebsi. This situation display how Tunisian manage

its democratic transition from authoritarian regime

toward democracy.

In 25 June, 2015 Tunisia also witnessed terror

attack by terrorist group in the city of Sousse, this

district is a tourist destination. In this attack 39

people killed by gunmen and for a moment this

terror destabilizes the country (bbc.com

30/06/2015). After the attack many observer worried

about the situation in Tunisia because enable

escalation and destroying condition that has been

ICRI 2018 - International Conference Recent Innovation

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built after revolution. Revamping economic situation

and political situation was not easy job for the

country which experienced revolution. Most

observers really concern on security issue of Tunisia

as a primary pre-condition for establishment of

consolıdated democracy.

The trend seen in the previous section shows an

important transformation in Tunisian politics amid

the transition period. The acceptance of all political

actors towards the democratic system accelerates the

process of consolidating democracy in Tunisia.

Tunisia is an example of successful democratization

after the revolution in the Middle East and North

Africa region.

5 DEBATING CONCEPT OF

MUSLIM DEMOCRATS

Before the local election took place in Tunisia, the

country faced security threats from the network of

Islamic State of Iraq and Syria or ISIS. The group of

terror attack Rabdo and museums Tunisia's coastal

region sporadically to create chaos and potentially

threaten Tunisian economy. However, the ruling

government succeed in managing the crisis and

reduce security threats. After taking control then the

general election committee in Tunisia continue the

process of election. During the process of election

every candidate have same rights to promote their

programs. Every political parties have same

opportunities to involve in political campaign

without restrictions. Non-governmental

organizations participate in monitoring process of

election and initiated an idea of national unity to

prevent clash among political parties and its

followers. This process help Tunisia to transform its

democracy more solid.

Related to the concept of a Democratic Muslim.

This concept is considered to represent a view that

confirms that Islam is compatible with democracy.

Muslims, wherever they are, should not have a

problem with democracy because its existence is

only an instrument.

In the tradition of European countries, the use of

religious symbols in politics is not a new thing. In

Germany, the ruling party, the Christian Democratic

Union (CDU) is a liberal-conservative political party

with a central ideology that focuses its struggle on

advocating the values of liberalism and Christian

values. In Germany in its history, the establishment

of the Christian Democrat Party was intended to

compensate for the swift flow of liberalization which

affected family life and schools, and the church was

interested in stemming the swift flow of

liberalization. Apart from Germany, we also can find

parties which using religion as their fundamental

values for their struggle. We can mention Italy and

Spain in this case.

However, in its development most political

parties in Europe who used religious symbol for

their political purpose unable to gain majority votes,

most of voters lean their votes toward liberal parties

who during their campaign promise their necessities

such as creating jobs, opening access for social

budget, decreasing tax and programs which related

to their daily need. In other words, the purpose of

establishment of political parties is gaining more

votes, for that reason they must be able to reach as

many voters from various segments. In the end,

since 60s political parties in Europe no longer using

religion as their identity because of the lack of

support from voters.

Referring to the democratic model in Indonesia

and Turkey if it is associated with the debate about

the conception of Muslim democrats, we will find a

number of facts as illustrated in the following

paragraphs. The religious traditions of each country

have an influence on their perspective of seeing the

relationship between religion and the state.

In the case of Indonesia, Muslims in Indonesia

do not have a serious problem in the matter of

combining religious and state affairs. Religious

activities have never received strict restrictions from

the state. Political parties that fight in Indonesia

generally make religious groups as one of the many

ballots that can be maximized to win their votes and

win political contestation.

There was a narration of ''Islam Yes, Islamic

Party No'' from the Islamic scholar Nur Cholis

Majid. Through this narrative he wants to say that in

political matters, religion does not need to be

involved too far because it will not change many

things for the life of the nation and state. Therefore,

he prefers to be part of the nationalist party but still

fights for Islamic aspirations.

Furthermore, there are also political factions in

Indonesia that continue to maintain religious

identities and traditions but in their appearance to

the public they use the style of a nationalist party to

gain sympathy as many voters as possible. They

often refer to themselves as nationalist-religious

parties. They have loyal constituencies from the

largest religious organizations in Indonesia in this

case Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. The

party which claims nationalist-religious has a center-

right political line.

Rethinking Muslim Democrats: Indonesian and Turkish Models of Democracy in the Post Arab Spring Countries

1695

While the third faction is a political party that

strictly declares itself as a party fighting for the

Islamic struggle. They openly use Islam as a party

ideology. They seek to secure the voice of a limited

group who are their loyal followers.

This group has a tendency to build a brotherhood

narrative of the Islamic world as a motivation to win

political battles at the domestic level. They often use

religious narratives to campaign for their ideas in

every contestation both at national and local

elections.

But in the end they cannot ignore domestic

political realities. Therefore they also choose to be

pragmatic when dealing with situations where they

have to win the fight. In the election at the local

level this Islamic party model does not close the

space for coalition with nationalist parties in order to

maintain the seat of power.

Unlike Indonesia, politics in Turkey is more

ideological. Political parties are built based on

ideological commitment to be preserved in real life

in society.

In the Turkish political tradition those who have

been struggling in political contestation have often

received unfair treatment from state officials. The

military, attorney general and judiciary are often

frightening enemies of Islamic parties. Because with

the argument of martial law that seeks to save the

country from the threat of Islamic fundamentalism

and has the potential to threaten the principle of state

secularism a party can be dissolved.

The resistance of political groups fighting for the

issue of Islam also has strong arguments for

resistance to the regime because of their irrational

policies. The policy of the secular party regime in

power since 1924 has made secularism an ideology

whose interpretation is in accordance with the

regime's wishes.

Especially after the founder of the Republic of

Turkey died. Kemal Ataturk's death as a symbol that

gave birth to Turkey's national and state principles

left a bigger hole to make a broad interpretation of

secularism. The fact that Turkey has changed the

call to prayer from Arabic into Turkish, banning

headscarves in universities and government offices,

closing the meeting rooms of Sufi groups has

become clear evidence of how the Kemalist regime's

policies threaten the religious beliefs of Turkish

society. It is from the feeling of being threatened and

oppressed that they rise up with a relentless

narration of resistance against secularism.

In religious-based political groups, the AKP is an

example of an Islamic-based party transformation

which then decides to transform into a center-right

party. The AKP chose to be a liberal party with a

political orientation to the West in this case trying to

be part of the European Union.

This approach was chosen by Turkey after

reflecting on its predecessor parties. The experience

of the Refah Party that survives with an ideology

that fights for Islamic aspirations is often prohibited

every time a military intervention occurs. The

incidence of military coups is often the place to

profit from cleaning up elements related to religious-

based parties. Because for military groups, religious-

based parties have a track record of resistance to

state ideology.

This situation also describes how the political

situation in Indonesia and Turkey. How to describe

the concept of Muslim democrats can also be seen

from the experience of Indonesia and Turkey. That

every group involved in political battles

automatically can be called democrats because they

think that democracy provides an opportunity for

them to gain power.

Of course there are many observers who have

different definitions of the concept of Muslim

democrats. But there is one fact that must not be

ignored, that in Indonesia and Turkey, the majority

are Muslim, democracy can live and become an

instrument of regime change. The experience of

democratizing the two countries took place since

they became independent as a nation and from the

beginning when they declared the establishment of a

republic.

6 CONCLUSION

Tunisia is an example for the country that feels

burdened with the label of an Islamic party that has

links with the Islamic Brotherhood in Egypt. To

avoid their image being degraded both at the

domestic and international level, the Ennahda

leaders then revised the ideology they had been

embracing. They stressed that the path of their

struggle in politics was closer to the AKP model in

Turkey than the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.

On another occasion, when a wave of

demonstrations took place in Turkey in 2013 known

as Gezi Park, the Ennahda Party again kept its

distance from the AKP in Turkey to avoid criticism

from international media. Finally, before the 2018

regional elections, Ennahda declared itself a liberal

party that no longer made mosques and places of

worship as a center of their political activities.

AKP in Turkey is often a model for Islamic

parties in Muslim countries. They consider the AKP

as a successful model for a party with Islamic mass

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based but packaged more moderately. This party

even close to liberals form. The AKP itself has

always refused to be labeled as a Muslim Democrat

from the start and prefers to be called a conservative

democratic party. The AKP leader in a decade of his

administration focused on strengthening

development issues and accelerating reforms to

achieve the standards required by the European

Union. The AKP party leaders in many cases

responded to international issues with an

international norm approach. This method is chosen

for nothing, but the aim is to build an image that

their party can adapt to Western values which are

now the standard of truth.

As for Indonesia, although it has never promoted

itself as an ideal model for political parties in

Muslim countries, countries in the Middle East such

as Afghanistan and Iraq learn from Indonesian's

experience managing the democratic transition.

Political parties in Indonesia do not have a strong

tradition in spreading their influence abroad. They

are more satisfied to fight at the domestic level.

Regarding ideology, political parties in Indonesia

always choose middle-way politics. The nationalist-

religious term is prevalent among mass Islamic-

based political parties in Indonesia. The trend as

above confirms that the debate on religious-based

political ideology has been completed in Indonesia.

In the end, the debate about Muslim democrats is

nothing more than an attempt to distinguish between

those who believe that only with religious-based

conservative ideas that save a nation with those who

consider the system in a country only an instrument

for achieving prosperity.

On the one hand, in the Islamic world there are

still groups that seek to reach their political political

agenda by using a frontal narrative of resistance with

weapons and bomb terror. Behind that they assume

that the ideal system that is able to save them is the

old system in this case the Khilafah system. This

idea actually doesn't get many followers, but

because of repeated campaigns they feel they need

to be heard by the wider public.

As for those who believe that religion remains

sacred and political are reality, tend to make political

contestation a game that provides an opportunity to

explore ideas and ideas in order to achieve victory.

For groups who believe that democracy opens up

greater opportunities, they do not use too much

religious argument to win votes. They tend to focus

on the affairs of program campaigns that directly

touch the real needs of the community.

In democracy, all entities have equal

opportunities to win and lose, those who are

religious and non-religious are accommodated in a

democratic system. Therefore, the debate about

whether a Muslim democracy and non-democracy is

no longer dominant in the debate of Muslim

scholars.

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Rethinking Muslim Democrats: Indonesian and Turkish Models of Democracy in the Post Arab Spring Countries

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Piccone, Ted 2016. Five Rising Democracies and the Face

of International Liberal Order. New York: Brookings

Press

Piccone, Ted 2016. Five Rising Democracies and the Face

of International Liberal Order. New York: Brookings

Press

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