Feudalism in Indonesia Democracy
Indra Fauzan and Fernanda Putra Adela
Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan, Indonesia
Keywords: Democracy, Feudalism, Indonesia Politics.
Abstract: Democracy is a system of government that gives freedom to every element of society to improve the quality
of democracy, popular sovereignty is the most important element in modern democracy, democracy
eliminates oritarianism, dictatorship and also a hierarchical system far from democracy. Indonesia is a country
that uses a democratic system as a government and state, after the reformation of the democratic paradigm
began to be intensively carried out as a form of implementation of modern democracy. All elements of
democracy, actors and also instruments of democracy do not work well in accordance with the principles of
democracy. This value is considered not in accordance with the principles of democracy as agreed, voiced,
the right to vote and be elected in relation to the formation of political dynasties, corruption, collusion, and
nepotism. There are still many shortcomings in running it. Most of the existing compilation with the defense
system, the number of elements of feudalism that still resides in the mentality of actors, political elites in
Indonesia, both from the central to the regional level, the evaluation of democracy is limited to procedure
only but not in political action. the question is how non-democratic elements are lost in politics This article
presents how modern democracy in Indonesia is actually a way out for politics but is used by free political
riders who add to feudalism to gain, use and maintain their power. This article is expected to add to the corpus
of knowledge in the political field.
1 INTRODUCTION
Democracy is now a political system used by the
majority of countries throughout the world, the choice
of democracy is a logical choice today because it can
politically maintain good relations with countries that
also use democracy primarily to place themselves in
the eyes of the nation. Indonesia is a country that
embraces and uses democracy as its political system
choice.
Democracy in Indonesia has always changed its
face since the founding of this nation. Starting from
parliamentary democracy, guided democracy,
Pancasila democracy and currently democracy which
is considered more open, more friendly to the people
and indeed tries to carry out democratic values that
are actually in accordance with the theories and
concepts of scholars.
Unfortunately, there are still many who believe
that Indonesia's democracy at present is a mere
procedural democracy, not essentially running the
values of democracy and some say it is liberal
democracy (Tornquist, 2001) or oligarchic
democracy / ollygarchy democracy (Fukuoka, 2012)
When Indonesia underwent a reformation in 1998, the
euphoria of democracy was as high as if it had just
been released from a lonely, dark and narrow prison.
The liberation of the Indonesian people from the
shackles of political New Order that was rigid,
bureaucratic and stressful made the Indonesian
people have high hopes for a democracy that really -
emphasizing the freedom of civil, media, justice,
transparency and so forth. The cheers of reform
continue to reverberate and governance after the new
order is expected to be able to bring what aspired by
those who fight for democracy with full of sweat and
blood (Carnegie, 2008).
After more than 20 years of democracy it turns out
that democracy aspired to still leaves the question
whether the democracy that was lived in accordance
with reform expectations or just carry out democratic
obligations only such as elections, political party
contestation, media freedom, distance the military
from politics and give more authority to the
legislature to really be a balance for the executive
during the old order and the new order was not
obtained.
After two decades of reforms it seems that this
nation is sometimes still stuttering in democracy, the
Fauzan, I. and Adela, F.
Feudalism in Indonesia Democracy.
DOI: 10.5220/0010002100330038
In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 3 2019) - Social Engineering Governance for the People, Technology and Infrastructure in
Revolution Industry 4.0, pages 33-38
ISBN: 978-989-758-472-5
Copyright
c
2020 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
33
inability to absorb the values of modern democracy
which must be implemented in state life sometimes
has to clash with the political interests of the
authorities both local and central. It makes sense if the
experts say how democracy in Indonesia works today,
those who oppose the flow of democracy are still
hampered by laws that support freedom of thought,
discuss and report public opinion such as laws and
political laws through articles defamation,
harassment through defamation.
The term democracy in general is that sovereignty
is in the hands of the people, in the context of modern
democracy people's sovereignty is more manifested
in the form of elections, even though in terms of
democracy it is the most minimal understanding
(Huntington, 1995). Whereas a more specific
understanding of democracy was developed by elitist
schools advocated by Schumpeter and his followers
on procedural democracy, specifically saying that
democracy '... in political life there is always some
competition'.
Dahl (1971) says that democracy is Poliarchy. For
Dahl, democracy has two meanings or dimensions,
namely contestation and participation. Contestation is
a well organized match like the institutions for
holding general elections, a period of contestation
that is having a clear implementation time whether
every four years like in the United States or once
every five years like in Indonesia there is clear
political competition such as a match between free,
honest and fair political parties.
Whereas the second dimension is participation,
namely how every citizen who is in accordance with
the conditions of voting and being elected has the
right to participate in the contestation above, either as
a voter or chosen to fight for a public position.
Poliarchy is not just the freedom to choose and
compete for power, but also the freedom to speak out
and disseminate information of his thoughts through
free publications, including mass media,journals,
seminars and so on. In addition there is freedom to
establish organizations and join certain organizations
and so on.
Also following Dahl are three characteristics of a
democratic country: first, having equal rights in
collective and binding decision making. Second,
equal opportunities for citizens in the political
process. Third, the manifestation of civil and political
freedom. In different contexts Following Dahl (1999)
democracy produces consequences including: 1.
Avoiding tyranny, 2. Human rights, 3. Lay freedom,
4. Determining one's own destiny, 5. moral
autonomy, 6. Human development, 7 Protection of
personal interests, 8. Equal political rights and added
peace and prosperity.
This impression is a virtue that might emerge in a
democracy even though democracy still has its own
weaknesses. But sometimes democracy is also
difficult to apply to advanced societies (Dahl 1971) in
societies that practice liberal democracy are faced
with the challenge of reconciling and uniting
differences in heterogeneous societies so that
sometimes in plural societies, liberal democracies
will find impasse.
Whereas feudalism is a political system that
usually develops in traditional monarchic societies,
there is a structural hierarchy that involves patron and
client relations, feudalism is believed to be a system
that is contrary to democracy itself which presents
equality, equality, freedom and intellectualism.
Feudalism itself refers to the political,
organizational, social and economic system of
medieval Europe (Grimmelman, 2000), which refers
to land ownership in Europe (France and England)
known as vassal or lord (Moore, 2002; Cantwell,
2019), whereas in the Marxist perspective feudalism
is the formation of society before capitalism and
eventually becomes communist, Marx considers that
the process of forming a feudal society forms social
classes and creates class conflict (Epstein, 2007), the
feudal era is full of sacred and noble values, with
attitudes and customs such as harmony, respect for
the king or nobility, with a social order where the
position above and below is considered as something
that crosses the world (Suseno, 2001).
So Marx saw that all kinds of relations of
attitudes, feelings, rituals, and feudal norms were
actually nothing more than a sacred veil that covered
the exploitation of the upper feudal classes against the
lower classes. Behind the people's feelings of
disrespect or respect for the king and the belief in his
goodness is hidden the greed of the upper classes who
live from the work of the people. Feudal values are
nothing more than an ideological veil of reality based
on human exploitation of humans.
So when we talk about feudalism, we will be led
to views about orthodoxy, conservatism, patron and
client relations, superiors and subordinate culture,
respect and so on, depending on what and how our
perspective of seeing feudalism is in the realm of our
minds based on an understanding of feudalism
scientifically or factually.
This article is here to look at the condition of
Indonesia's democracy At present, democracy which
is expected to be a way out of Indonesian politics that
was closed in the past will be able to provide a sense
of justice to all Indonesian people both for the
ICOSOP 3 2019 - International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3
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authorities, their supporters, the opposition or for the
people who really need justice from the governmen.
2 FEUDALISM AND
DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA
As it is known that democracy is a political system
that prioritizes people's sovereignty as the main basis
of its power. In the context of Indonesia, democracy
experiences ups and downs especially after the
independence. Democracy repeatedly changes its
form, format, or also its implementation. Indonesia
has experienced a number of forms of democracy
based on the interpretations of the authorities, for
example after independence 1945 - 1957 Indonesia
used parliamentary democracy, then changed its face,
form and format into guided democracy in
accordance with Sukarno's understanding.
After Sukarno ended democracy again underwent
a transformation into Pancasila democracy in
accordance with Suharto's interpretation of
democracy, the climax is the third post-reform
democracy transformation which is claimed to be a
pure and modern democracy in accordance with the
term democracy itself which is based on the people's
freedom and sovereignty.
Understanding and interpretation of democracy is
constantly changing because democracy cannot have
only one face. The United States alone, which is
considered the most important user of democracy in
the world, has a different face from France or Britain,
two countries which first proclaimed themselves to be
users of modern democracy after the Industrial
Revolution.
Not to mention how difficult it is to imply
democracy to countries that do not have historical
roots and good relations with democracy, usually the
countries that have advantages in the number of
ethnic religions, for example, are countries in Africa
and also some countries in Asia. Arendt Lijhpart, a
western scholar, has tried to provide solutions to
countries that have this advantage by giving a face of
democracy which he called as a constitutional
democracy or democracy of consensus. A term of
democracy which accommodates all elements in the
religious and ethnic context which unite in a
democracy which has its origins as happened in
Malaysia (Lijhpart, 1977). Suppose he is that
democracy can be lived well if the countries that have
plural society should make an agreement or
deliberation in playing on their democracy so that it
is referred to as consotional democracy.
In a different context also in Indonesia has
different democratic characteristics, Indonesia
prefers the approach of openness and equality of
position in the context of the Indonesian republic.
What is the real problem of democracy in
Indonesia? not only procedural or empirical issues as
said by Maswadi Rauf about Indonesian democracy
(1998) but also how cultural values are in the political
context in Indonesia. For this reason, it is necessary
to trace the history of Indonesian politics. Broadly
speaking, Indonesia is a country rooted in a system of
feudalism. When the archipelago was still the name
of this region, many kingdoms dominated the
archipelago, such as Samudra Pasai Kingdom in
Aceh, Malay kingdom in North Sumatra,
Minangkabau kingdom in West Sumatra, Sriwijaya in
Palembang, Singosari, Majapahit, Mataram in the
land Java and several kingdoms in Kalimantan,
Sulawesi and Papua. The kingdoms were spread
evenly with all kinds of rules, the feudal system then
became a political system that was directed until the
Portuguese, Dutch, Japanese and British colonies
came to Nusantara. The invaders did not bring a new
system but they still brought the feudal system in their
colonial structure.
The face of Indonesian politics today is
inseparable from the condition of the nation's past, for
more than a century we lived under the shadow of the
royal system that spread from Sabang to Merauke. In
the condition of life under the domination of the
kingdom, of course we also live under a system of
hierarchy that controls the lives of the people with
feudal rules, that the king is everything, is not
blameworthy and worshiped. In fact, in some cases
the king is the representative of God on earth so that
these doctrines do not provide an opportunity for the
people to blame the king even with his family.
After the royal system changed under colonial
rule, feudalism did not even change at all because the
colonizers further perpetuated the feudal system to
strengthen their position on the colonized earth.
Rather than that more than three centuries under the
power of our colonizers is inseparable from the
system of feudalism which is thick with hierarchical.
That culture continues to be traditionalized even
when this nation is already independent. Under the
regime of the ruling regime which is said to be
democratic and chosen based on a democratic system.
The democratic system, as we know it, is very far
from the values of feudalism because it follows that
democratic ebbination removes feudal values and it
specifically prioritizes collective values in the people,
because indeed the people are the owners of
sovereignty in the state.
Feudalism in Indonesia Democracy
35
In this context, despite the nation's claim that
Indonesia is a country that uses democracy as a
political system and its government, this is indicated
by the use of democracy starting in post-
independence using Parliamentary Democracy,
continuing with Guided Democracy and Pancasila
Democracy and ultimately this country using modern
democracy (just name) to show that we are a
democratic country. From there we can judge that this
nation is actually committed to becoming close to
democracy and trying to implement it in the right
way. However, the facts show that the past life of this
nation which deeply animates feudalism causes the
values, culture and sentiments towards feudalism to
be truly manifested in social and political life in
Indonesia.
Maybe we reject that assumption, but the fact that
it really happened feudal mentality still resides in this
nation. For example, in a democratic institution itself,
namely a Political Party, when the domination of a
political party to determine who is a suitable
candidate to be the head of the region then resulted in
the domination of dynasties in one party, for example
in the central political parties, almost all general
leaders of political parties put families in line with
their blood in a party structure such as the Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle, placed Megawati
Sukarnoputri as the irreplaceable general Chairperson
and placed her two children in the structure of the
leadership of the political parties namely Puan
Maharani and Prananda Prabowo. In a different party
we can see in the Democratic party led by former
President of the Republic of Indonesia Soesilo
Bambang Yudhoyono who also placed his two
children in the party leadership structure namely
Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono and Edhie Baskoro
Yudhoyono, besides that we can also see in several
political parties such as in Perindo, Nasdem and
others. In democracy, democracy instruments,
especially democratic values, should be implemented
well, frequent circulation of power, limitation of
power so that there is no monopoly and of course
guarantee the rights of individuals to rule.
Another example at the regional level is that many
high-ranking local party leaders take advantage of
their position as to the region and at the same time as
the leader of a particular political party and through
that power they place themselves and their families
within the circle of power both in the executive and
legislative branches as a form of conserving power in
certain regions. This power takes advantage of the
opportunities contained in democracy itself because
every individual has the same rights in politics, each
individual is a person who has the right to power, to
join in any political party. So if we see many regional
heads who are at the same time the heads of certain
political parties and they place their families in power
such as members of political parties, as members of
the legislature and also as the driving wheel of the
economy through family businesses that utilize local
projects, control the business through tenders that
have been mobilized through under the table or an
agreement in a coffee shop.
Of course it is very easy for local rulers to move
their political machinery, because they form political
dynasties through the power of power, the power of
capital and also their influence in society so that the
mobilization of the times is very easy. They are
interest groups that structurally cause a setback in
democracy, they have a level of influence that is
stratified and interconnected with the stages of
development achieved by society.
Democracy is equality, equality is not degraded
by feudalism (it should be), while feudalism is
hierarchical, structural and oppressive is coupled with
sycophants. So it is rather strange indeed when
democracy becomes a reference in the state, culture
and traditions of feudalism that remains comfortable
in the democratic life of this nation. In democratic life
when this feudalism does not live as a system but it
lives in the values of national culture, peaceful in
bureaucratic structures, academic, both local and
central government and becomes common in the
application of his life.
It can be seen in bureaucratic life, why there are
transactional positions because feudal mentalities are
still living peacefully in the bodies of these
individuals, the regional head is the ruling king in
their territory, the employees there are servants who
have to serve them, so it happens structured sale of
positions from the lowest level to the top level. In
addition, government activities are always under the
spotlight, if in the past the government had TVRI as
a means of broadcasting all government activities, the
community lined up to welcome the head of state or
his minister to be present in the regions and in some
cases even schools were closed. On several occasions
in some regions even now the disease began to spread
again, for example school children lined the edge of
the field to welcome the head of state and so forth.
Therefore, even though there are provisions in the
constitution that limit political power and the
restrictions are openly recognized by the authorities,
they are still violations of the exercise of power with
very serious consequences, this happens in the cases
mentioned above where certain individuals or groups
are denied the right to gather, to express opinions, to
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form associations and joint actions through threats
and countermeasures.
Sometimes in democracy in Indonesia there are
still power interventions even through power
monopolies caused by the feudal mentality. There are
often fundamental violations and defeats of the
legitimacy of democracy, there are strong groups with
their power supported by military apparatus and
institutions, or groups of economic power or
influential families that can operate outside the realm
of democratic power control. In this way they raised
themselves to the position of the highest authority in
various fields of community life.
Obstacles and attitudes that want to be respected
are usually passed through approaches of power,
material, patronage relations that cause dependence.
In addition, the attitude of perpetuated Javanese by
calling or mentionings honorary titles in the
community sometimes they do not like to be called if
it is not complete with their titles such as pak haji,
datuk, pak Wali, Ibu Wali, pak Bupati, Ketua, Pak
Menteri , Abangda and others. Even in academic
institutions, academic vocation such as doctorates,
prof, etc. makes feudal values appear and blossom in
academic nuance.
Although in fact institutionally the noble titles had
long disappeared in the community such as the Raden
title in Javanese aristocratic society, the progenitor of
the aristocracy was Malay and so on but in a different
form mentally and that value still resides in the soul.
In the class structure those classified as the upper
class or bourgeoisie still hold the dominance of the
class structure because they have positions, the power
of money, and power relations. No longer limited to
being a king, landowner, vassal, Baron or lord in the
era of the royal system or colonialism and
imperialism.
Although socially, politically and economically,
the system has changed but the mental, feudal values
and culture are still present and fertile in the souls of
the Indonesian people in each class structure of their
society. From the post-independence era through
parliamentary democracy, especially when guided
democracy and Pancasila democracy, feudalism was
strengthened by a structure of power through
bureaucracy if in the context of the new order through
ABRI, Bureaucracy and Golkar which indeed at that
time hegemony economic, social and political
structures.
In modern democracies that we see today after the
reform of attitudes, mentality and values are still
fertile embedded in the mind and soul of a cross-
structure society. Decentralization produced political
oligarchies in the regions (Hadiz and Robinson,
2002). These local elites strengthened their hegemony
because their regional or environmental situation was
very supportive, for example in some regions these
local elites were rich people while the surrounding
communities lived in poverty thus forming patron
patterns and client. They strengthen their hegemony
through religious, political, financial, regional and
organizational power (Robinson and Hadiz 2004, Van
Klinken, 2007). There is cooperation between local
authorities or local strongmen with the bureaucracy
or legal institutions in an area to strengthen the
position of feudalism in different forms. Local
strongman or local bossism is indivisu or local elite
groups that are powerful both through business,
influence, power, violence and so on who are able to
rule in one region and give influence both in the
economic, social and cultural context. (Migdal, 1988;
Sidel 1998) or in other terms is the Shadow state or
individu or local groups that control the bureaucracy
(Hidayat and Gismar 2010; Argenti, 2018).
From some of the cases and explanations above,
we understand that culture, values and mental
feudalism still live in a democratic system even
though they actually oppose this behavior, along with
eliminating the dominance of the monarchy in the
French and industrial revolutions, but modernization
does not necessarily eliminate feudalism even though
in a different form. These values and culture are still
well-traded in the political, social and economic
spheres and structures of society from the elite to the
lower levels.
3 CONCLUSIONS
A good democracy especially in this modern era
should eliminate the values of individuals and groups.
Reducing tyranny eliminates dictatorship, but there
are individuals, groups or even one regime that still
wants to perpetuate their power in certain ways. They
enter the circle of democracy to strengthen their
power, maintain their faudalistic power through
political power, economic and social domination.
Detachment and conservatism in power make some
dominant groups in politics, they arrange in such a
way that the rules of democracy to perpetuate power
either through family, group or regime. The power of
this feudal elite circle is usually strengthened through
regulations whether it is a law or a regional
regulation.
In addition, at the community or lower class level,
they are dominated and must obey, submit to power
and the economy. They are hegemony and resigned to
be controlled. People because of social factors,
Feudalism in Indonesia Democracy
37
especially the economy inevitably participate in this
feudalism. Flattery, licking, and respect are carried
out with various motives, such as power, security,
economy, social status and so on.
For this reason, it is necessary to reduce the
democratic system in Indonesia, so that these positive
values are not harmed by servitude that hinders
individual competition, meritocracy and so on.
However, indirectly, feudal values, culture and
mentality will.
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