Formation of Political Participation Conflicts in the Constituents of

the City of Banda Aceh and West Aceh

Reni Juliani

, Nurkhalis

, and Rena Juliana

Department of Communication, Universitas Teuku Umar, Meulaboh, Indonesia

Department of Sociology, Universitas Teuku Umar, Meulaboh, Indonesia

Department of Tarbiyah, College of Islamic Studies Teungku Dirundeng, Meulaboh, Indonesia

Keywords: Formation, Political Participation, Conflict, Political Actor.

Abstract: A few decades ago, the final results received by the community became a distant memory and reminder of

the attitudes of political actors in Indonesia, namely the availability of aspiration spaces and broken promises.

Both results, in addition to the active and passive participation in Aceh, also affect the formation of political

forms of participation. The formulation of the problem aims to uncover changes in political participation

through the existence of conflicts of political participation in the constituents of the cities of Banda Aceh and

West Aceh, as well as the emergence of changes in political participation in the cities of Banda Aceh and

West Aceh be evoked. This study used a qualitative approach with data collection techniques, in-depth

interviews and documentation. The political participation so far shows that Indonesian politics, despite their

diversity, is still characterized by public concern and trust.

1 INTRODUCTION

The concept of political participation in democratic

countries is based on the idea that mutual sovereignty

is in the hands of the people. Democracy itself is the

motto: by the people, for the people, and to the

people. Democracy is realized through joint activities

to set common goals and the future of the community

itself. In addition, the existence of democracy through

political participation is used to determine the persons

who will take the lead. Political participation is thus

an implementation of the exercise of a valid political

power.

Public participation in a democratic country can

take the form of a vote during a democratic party. In

addition, the public took part in the campaign, which

was closed or open. The political participation of the

community not only contributes to the electoral vote

but also expresses ideas and even criticism through

demonstrations and takes to the streets. As in the case

of student demonstrations to undermine the Suharto

regime in 1998. The case has significant implications

for the future of Indonesia. After the collapse of the

Suharto regime, the era of reform was born. This

illustrates how important the role of public political

participation for the future of the nation.

In addition to political speech, public participation

can also be achieved by writing contributions to the

government through the media. The media can be a

forum to channel people's aspirations. Nowadays,

there are even many opinions in print media or on

various websites, which also express the wishes of the

people. Communities can engage in dialogue or

debate on policy issues, etc.

As already explained, political participation can

be pursued in different ways. At present, the process

of sustained political participation in the community,

especially voters (participants of democracy) in Aceh,

has improved. Although radical militant political

participation still appears in reality, voters are aware

of politics. Radical militants even understand the

importance of politics in a country, but for one reason

or another they have little confidence in the

government.

Besides, the topic of identity politics in campaigns

and democratic parties continues to evolve. This

happens because of the emerging competition in the

struggle for power. One strategy commonly used by

groups that are mutually opposed is the search for

popular support. One is dissemination of topics that

can undermine public trust in other candidates

competing in political parties. In that case, they

certainly considered it legitimate and fought for ideas

Juliani, R., Nurkhalis, . and Juliana, R.

Formation of Political Participation Conﬂicts in the Constituents of the City of Banda Aceh and West Aceh.

DOI: 10.5220/0010002600670074

In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 3 2019) - Social Engineering Governance for the People, Technology and Infrastructure in

Revolution Industry 4.0, pages 67-74

ISBN: 978-989-758-472-5

of mass participation to bring about movements that

demanded the fulfilment of their "rights".

The research is intended to answer questions

about how the formation of political participation

conflicts to constituents in Banda Aceh and West

Aceh. This research is important because the political

participation conflict is closely related to the general

election and can be a reference for the next general

election. This study used descriptive qualitative

research methods by interviewing political actors,

academics and the public.

2 MANUSCRIPT PREPARATION

2.1 Political Participation

Political participation, which is a form of people's

sovereignty, is a very fundamental thing in the

democratic process. Political participation has a very

important significance for the movement of the

wheels and the democratic system. If the community

has a high level of participation, the political

development process and democratization practice in

Indonesia will be fine. So it will be very important for

the development of this nation and this country. The

assumption underlying democracy (participation) is

that the person who knows best, what is good for

himself, is that person. As political decisions taken

and implemented by the government affect and

influence citizens' lives, citizens are entitled to

participate in defining the content of decisions that

affect the process of making and implementing

political decisions. The activities of citizens are

divided into two parts that influence the content of

public policy and help to make and determine policy

decisions (Yuliantina, 2016).

Political participation is an effort by the

community to get involved and to influence

government policy. In addition, community

involvement can determine the future of the nation, as

its political participation in the Democratic Party to

determine the country's leaders represents a form of

political awareness and responsibility as good

citizens. Political participation is a very important

aspect in a democratic state order, as it has a huge

impact on the legitimacy of society over the course of

government.

From the concept of political participation it can

be deduced that political participation encompasses

observable activities and not attitudes or orientations.

Political participation thus refers only to things that

are objective and not subjective. In addition, political

participation includes the direct or indirect political

activity of citizens or individuals (intermediaries).

Political participation also aims to influence

government decision-making in the form of

persuasion or pressure, and even transformation, of

the personalities of political actors and the

government. These activities aim to influence the

government, regardless of the implications of failing

or succeeding. Political participation can take place

through appropriate procedures and without violence

(conventional) or in a way that is outside the

appropriate process (non-conventional) and in the

form of violence. Political participation is the activity

of a person or group of people to actively participate

in political life, such as the election of a head of state

or the efforts to influence government policy

(Rahman, 2007).

Surbakti (2007) distinguishes the types of public

participation in four ways, namely: active

participation, the activities of citizens that always

show a responsive behaviour towards different phases

of government policy, or in other words, when

someone has a high level of political awareness and

trust in the government, political participation is

usually active. Radical militant participation, the

activities of citizens that always show responsive

behaviour to various government policies. It differs,

however, from active participation, in which

conventional methods, including violent means, take

precedence. In other words, when political awareness

is high, but trust in the government is very low,

militants are born radically. Passive participation, the

activities of citizens who simply accept / follow all

government guidelines. Passive participation, as a

rule, does not question government policy, or in other

words, when political awareness is very low but trust

in the government is very high, inactive participation

(passive participation) arises. Apathetic participation,

the activities of citizens who do not want to know

about government action. In general, citizens behave

in this way because they feel disappointed with the

government and the existing political system. In other

words, if someone has low political awareness and

confidence in the government, political participation

is more passive (apathetic).

2.2 Theory of Functional Stucture of

Political Culture

The views of Mandel and Verba from the theory of

the functional structure of political culture, according

to which the functional structure of society in general,

if it evolves, social solidarity must be strengthened or

if social solidarity is firmly established, system

stability (homeostasis) is required and must be

ICOSOP 3 2019 - International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3

maintained. Within the theory of Almond and Verba,

the construction of political culture is seen in terms of

the three ideal types of political culture that form the

basis upon which to base themselves. namely

parochial culture, subject culture and culture of

participation (Halim dan Muhlin, 2016).

The parochial culture is a political culture

confined to one particular area, even if the community

has no political consciousness, even if local leaders

such as the tribe emerge. In the political culture of the

parish, the level of participation, awareness and

political ability of the people in general is still very

low. While the subject of culture, which is often

called Kaula culture, has a high cognitive, affective

and evaluative effect on political systems and

political results, their orientation is limited, for

example, to being involved in the management of

political parties and to participate, although they is

still minimal on the level. Under the culture of

participation by Almond and Verba, this kind of

society generally has a high degree of knowledge and

understanding, is affective and is evaluated in the

political system, are political objects, political

outcomes and understand their role as People who

actively participate. even involved in providing

contributions to the government (Halim and Muhlin,

2016).

2.3 Formation of Political Participant

Conflict in Aceh

Sociological conflict is a process of social interaction

in which two or more people or two or more groups

have different opinions or goals that cause conflict.

There are conflicts around the world, as long as the

community still exists, and they disappear when the

community no longer exists. Conflicts arise from

disrupting social relationships and the use of force by

individuals or groups within the community.

Conflicts can also be caused by individual interests,

so conflicts often occur due to conflicts of interest

(Hasbulla, 2014).

Detailed understanding of the conflict above has

explained how the state of political conflict in society.

Conflicts can only arise because of disagreements, so

that certain conflicts occur. Especially in Aceh there

was a conflict in political participation. After the

peace in Helsinki, regional elections were marked by

both individuals and certain groups of violence. The

escalation of political conflicts is increasingly

prevalent when sympathizers or faithful followers

exercise the power doctrine without understanding

how to do democracy properly. But the current state

of Aceh's democracy is getting better. The people of

Aceh are becoming smarter about joining the

Democratic Party. Violence is no longer a doctrine

used to support certain future leaders, but campaigns

that address identity issues are an important weapon

in the 2019 elections this time.

2.3.1 Islam and Identity Politics in Aceh

Aceh is one of the provinces in Indonesia that is

characterized by features better known through the

use of Islamic sharia law. This distinguishes Aceh

from other regions in Indonesia. If you look at Aceh

from Sharia's point of view, the community has

always been waiting for a leader to change Aceh

based on Sharia values (Kurdi, 2011).

In the Aceh war, Islam had played a crucial

role in the fight against foreign rule. There are three

main components that create resistance that the Dutch

do not know: the Ulama, the Uleebalang, and the

Sultan. Of the three components, the Ulamas were the

strongest and the Sultan were the weakest. Such a fact

can be easily understood, since the influence of the

ulama was in fact the strongest in Acehnic society,

compared with the influence of the Sultan (Amal,

2004).

During the initial political situation in Aceh, the

actors were Ulama from the Middle East and South

Asia. They immediately came to Aceh to build a

kingdom as part of the expansion of the Islamic

peninsula in the archipelago. After that emerged

political actors from the Malay and the Buginese

country. This condition indicates that political clashes

in Tanah Melayu, in particular the extension of Aceh's

political power in Tanah Melayu, have led to non-

Acehnese became political leaders in Aceh. At that

time, however, the Ulamas joined every royal

government. The position as Qadhi Malik al-'adil

reconciled Islam and politics in Aceh. The next step

was the transfer of political power from the elite of

the palace to the Ulama, when the Dutch attacked

Aceh. Ulama's main actors played their political role

from the time of the Dutch invasion until the

reunification of Aceh with the Republic of Indonesia

in 1945 (Ahmad, 2016).

In the political history of Aceh, Ulama has played

an important role in decision-making since the days

of the Kingdom of Aceh. This reflects how closely

Islam and the politics of the people of Aceh are

interconnected. Islam is a reference in the selection of

leaders. The unwritten rule that political actors in

Aceh must be Muslims is nothing new. This was also

done to reconcile the goals of the people of Aceh to

build a Muslim community culture in the midst of

globalization. In broad terms, the Aceh people reject

Formation of Political Participation Conﬂicts in the Constituents of the City of Banda Aceh and West Aceh

political actors who are not Muslims because they are

considered the identity of the Aceh people to destroy

Islamic culture.

One aspect of globalization is the negative impact

of the process on the culture of Muslim societies. In

this regard, Western values, institutions and practices

have marginalized the values, institutions and

practices of Muslim societies. For example, Western

institutions such as liberal democracy, modern

ideologies such as capitalism and socialism have

invaded Muslim countries. Worse still, these political

and ideological institutions can not solve the

fundamental problems in Muslim countries and are

seen as the cause of the deterioration of various

aspects of the life of Muslim societies. In this context,

Islam and Islamic law are presented as alternatives

and solutions, as evidenced by the slogans of Islamic

movements in the form of "return to Islam" or "Islam

is the solution" (Najjar, 1992).

Experiments with capitalism and socialism, which

have been conducted in several Muslim countries,

have reinforced the call to return to Islamic law.

Social changes that occur, trends in consumptive

lifestyles, and changes in people's lifestyles,

unemployment, social inequality, have caused people

to turn to Islam as a way out (Amal, 2004).

This is often done by political actors to obtain

political support, where Sharia is used as the main

theme. Some Islamic political parties in Indonesia

and other Muslim countries have used the issue of

Sharia law to ask for political support. Similarly, the

strengthening of Islamic revivalism, its political

potential, and the desire for control has led Ja'far

Numeiri to change his policy in 1983 to the

application of Islamic law as the only law in Sudan.

Similar cases as in Sudan occurred in Pakistan at the

time of Bhutto and Zia-ul Haq. The two Pakistani

rulers launched a series of Islamization moves to meet

the diverse demands of traditionalist and

fundamentalist groups. Even the ruling Parwez

Musyarraf regime in Pakistan today maintains the

policy of Islamizing its predecessors in order to

maintain public support for it. In Nigeria, Olesungen

Obasanjo made it possible to extend and incarnate the

issue of the application of sharia in various states in

northern Nigeria in order to maintain political support

for it. Obasanjo's victory in the parliamentary

elections of 1999 and later in the 2003 parliamentary

elections was won thanks to the support of Muslim

groups in northern Nigeria. In concession for this

support, he allowed the development of the topic of

Sharia law in the region (Amal, 2004).

Events that occurred in the aforementioned

Muslim countries also occurred in Aceh. Islam is still

used as a weapon for the political victory in Aceh.

Aceh and Islam can not be separated. It is clear that

identity politics in Aceh will be played in the

parliamentary elections of 2019 in the name of

religion. Many propaganda and campaigns in the

name of Islam. The ethnicity, religion, ancestry, and

group of people (SARA) question becomes the

reference point in the political actors' campaigns. As

if the identity of political actors were used as a

weapon against other political actors. Although the

parliamentary election is a democratic party that

needs to be democratically celebrated. Democracy

promotes human rights that must be neutral and that

are not allowed to promote the ethnicity, religion,

ancestry, and group of people (SARA). Moreover, it

is used as a means to pave the way for victory.

In this context, we need to understand the

Pemilukada in Aceh: "Pemilukada is not a means of

controlling the Aceh community, let alone colonizing

it." The post-conflict municipal elections are indeed a

tool to uphold the sovereignty of the people of Aceh

For this reason, post-conflict local elections must be

traced back to the above-mentioned spirit, namely,

how the people of Aceh are the main support for the

creation of Baldatun thayyibatun wa rabbun ghafur (a

prosperous, just land blessed by Allah SWT) can be

sovereign. Local parties in Aceh may have well

understood the problems mentioned above, as this is

one of the objectives of the establishment of local

political parties, in fact, namely to ensure the

autonomy and independence of the people of Aceh.

What about the national party? (Kurdi, 2011).

Although Aceh is at peace now. Identity policy

continues to mark every political struggle. In every Aceh

region, the Aceh Local Party is almost always superior to

the existing national parties. This is why national parties

are seeking ways to win the hearts of people in Aceh by

combining politics and Islam. When local parties have

been dominated by the Helsinki MoU Agreement in Aceh

due to Aceh's long history of peace. The national parties

continue to walk as far as possible in Aceh,

reconciling their vision and mission with the peace

agreement, the Islamic Sharia. Islam is still a topic

that needs to be whispered in the ear of the people of

Aceh. Political actors who become future leaders are

perceived by the people of Aceh when these actors

are close to Islam.

In addition to being a Muslim leader, there are

some important consequences for future leaders in

Aceh: First, the physical conditions; healthy hearing,

eyes and verbal, so they can deal directly with their

responsibilities, healthy body, so they are not

prevented from moving and moving quickly. That is,

the leader must have a basic physical condition,

ICOSOP 3 2019 - International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3

healthy and strong, to make it easy to perform his

duties and responsibilities normally, smoothly, and

not through physical disruption. Second, demands

that are both knowledge and skills. This means that a

leader must be knowledgeable, open-minded,

intelligent, competent, professional and responsible.

Al-Mawardi once said that the main conditions for a

leader are: (1) fair in the broadest sense, (2)

possessing the knowledge to deal with legal issues.

Third, mental and spiritual requirements. A leader

must have a proven personal mental quality, such as

being honest, fair, trustworthy, faithful and

surrendering to Allah SWT. The quality of the faith

of a leader is something in which there is no doubt

about the concept of Hablum Minallah and Hablum

Minannas, and which is close to his God and fellow

human beings. Fourth, ability that has the courage to

uphold the law and face enemies, strategists who

mobilize the community well, who are smart and

sensitive to the situation, and who have a strong

control over politics, mentally handicapped and

madly outnumbered (Kurdi, 2011).

From the research results of the survey of

informants can be concluded that the majority of

informants mentioned the parliamentary elections of

2019, which took place while at the same time in

Aceh, particularly in Banda Aceh and Meulaboh, but

the politics of presidential elections attracted more

attention than the parliamentary elections. In this

democratic party, voters tend to choose their future

leaders based on their religion and ethnicity. The

presidential elections this time include presidential

candidates Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto. It

turned out that the two aspiring Indonesian leaders

were acquainted with Aceh and known to the people

of Aceh. In the life story of Joko Widodo or better

known as Jokowi, Jokowi had lived in Aceh and even

adoptive parents in Aceh. Jokowi always insisted that

Aceh was his hometown.

From the point of view of Jokowi's thread with

Aceh, it is likely that Jokowi's voice will dominate in

this parliamentary election in 2019 and Jokowi should

have a bigger voice than Prabowo. Instead, only 19

percent of the votes Jokowi received differed

significantly from Prabowo, the commander of the

special forces in Aceh, who received 81 percent of the

vote. This has become a polemic that evolves in

society. The ethnicity, religion, ancestry, and group

of people (SARA) issue was addressed as the main

theme in the campaign. This is identity politics that

Jakarta plays. Jokowi's identity is often associated

with China. Jokowi was supposed to be a descendant

of China, except for the communist issue, and the

revived PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) gave

Jokowi fewer votes than his opponents. In addition,

Jokowi is often referred to as "anti-Islam" and

supports LGBT. Unlike the case with Prabowo,

although often identified with "past sinners" due to

cases of human rights violations that had been

accused of Prabowo, did not make Prabowo's voice in

Aceh lose to Jokowi. Moreover, the role of famous

scholars like Ustadz Abdul Somad, Ustadz Adi

Hidayat, AA Gym, Alm KH. Arifin Ilham,

spearheaded by High Priest Habib Rizieq, who tends

to choose Prabowo over Jokowi. This directly adds to

the strong grip of the Acehnese people who prove

their love for the ulama to follow the ulama's choice

and become the main reason that Prabowo is superior

to Jokowi in Aceh.

In general, the theory of identity politics and

various research findings show that there are two

main factors that make ethnicity and religion

attractive and influential in the political process. First,

when ethnicity and religion are at stake. The identity

of a group must be maintained or defended. Second,

if the political process is competitive. That is, the

political process results in identity groups facing each

other and nobody dominates. Therefore, it is not clear

who will be the winner for a long time. Elections,

including local elections, are political processes in

which various factors such as identity are at stake.

Right now is at stake, like the actors who deal with

issues such as ethnicity and religion (Nasrudin and

Ahmad, 2018).

Identity politics has become an important part of

the Democratic Party in Indonesia. This is as if

identity politics had become the main method of the

Democratic Party. Identity policy is being used as a

propaganda tool to strengthen the position of those

who benefit from it. Without realizing it, it will lead

to ethnic conflict as each party chooses leaders in the

name of their ethnicity and ethnicity consciousness.

Although Indonesia is a composite country made up

of various ethnic groups. The integration will be

threatened. Ethnocentrism will shape the current

Democratic Party. This is because each ethnic group

will defend its own ethnic group and each ethnic

group its ethnicity and its religion. Divisions and

threats to national unity and integrity arise when

identity policy is used as a means to an end, especially

in the interests of power. This is because leaders come

first, who come from the same ethnic group and the

same religion (Ramadhan, 2017).

As mentioned above. Politics in Aceh has always

been characterized by a politics of identity that is very

dense. Islam is a major focus in politics in Aceh. During

the Darul Islam / Indonesian Islamic Army (DI / TII), they

demanded that the Aceh region become an Islamic

Formation of Political Participation Conﬂicts in the Constituents of the City of Banda Aceh and West Aceh

territory. In fact, not only in Aceh have some regions

formed groups that express the dynamics of their religious

identity to express their religious identity. The Free Aceh

Movement (GAM) is one of the Aceh-derived separatist

groups. This group aims to reshape the territory of Aceh in

accordance with Islam. But the emergence of this group

became a historic record for Aceh. The Islamic sharia in

Aceh was usually ratified in Aceh. However, to achieve

this, a significant number of victims have been killed as a

result of the ongoing conflict. The conflict was caused by

wanting to preserve one's identity. So that identity politics

can not be separated from Aceh.

The topic of the ethnicity, religion, ancestry, and

group of people (SARA) and communist ideology is a

topic that is taken up in the current political debate. This

should not have become a weapon for potential leaders

camping throughout Indonesia. This will affect the people

of Aceh as the political culture of Aceh is closely linked to

identity politics. The communist ideology is considered

"anti-Islam", of course the people in Aceh will reject this

understanding. They will favor candidates who use Islam

as a basis for thought and action. Aceh and Islam can not

be separated. Obviously, this was exploited in the 2019

elections. Identity politics in Aceh is played in the name of

religion. A democratic party, which should be marked

neutrally and not of the ethnicity, religion, ancestry,

and group of people (SARA) issues. Moreover, it is used

as a means to pave the way for victory. Democracy does

not emerge if it only gives priority to a particular race,

ethnicity, class or religion.

2.3.2 Image of the Previous Government in

the Eyes of the People of Aceh

The performance of the government of President

Joko Widodo and Vice President Jusuf Kalla in law

enforcement and business is considered by the

public to be the worst. The Indonesian Discussion

Group and Public Opinion Survey concluded that

the community is not satisfied with the ministry's

performance in these two areas. 63.1 percent of

respondents said they were dissatisfied with the

ministry's economic performance, while 56.7

percent were dissatisfied with the performance of

the political, legal and security sectors. The survey

was conducted in the form of interviews with 450

respondents from 45 selected villages in Jakarta,

Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, South Tangerang and

Bekasi on April 24-30. The confidence level of the

survey is 95 percent with an error rate of around 4.62

percent. The public's disappointment stems from

their rejection of government policy in determining

the price of fuel oil, rice imports and increasing base

rates for electricity and gas. The public order

observer, Agus Pambagyo, rates the low level of

public satisfaction with government performance

due to fluctuating fuel prices (Wijaya, 2015).

The Political Observer of the Exposit Startegic

Political, Arif Susanto, told the RMOL Political News

Agency that the Acehnese are voting for Prabowo-

Sandi because they are disappointed with the

performance of the Jokowi government. On the other

hand, the political groups in Aceh themselves were

fragmented. If you reject Jokowi, choosing Prabowo

does not mean that Prabowo's strength in Aceh is

solid, but rather that there are only two possible

alternatives. If he is wrong during the elections for

Jokowi, it is certain that Prabowo will be the choice

or the public will not choose (Akmal, 2019).

2.3.3 The Radical Militant Participation is

Evolving

Fahlevi (Fadhil, 2016) indicates that people's welfare

indicators are rising in Aceh but still below the

national average, with the poverty rate rising from

26.30% (2008) to 21.97% (2012 ), but still far from

the national average of 11.66% (2012). Economic

growth increased but was still below the national

average, and even unemployment rose from 8.71% in

2008 to 10.03% in 2013. The existence of the national

competition in Aceh is still below the national

average. Then the welfare gap between the people

who live in urban areas and the people who live in

rural areas is still very large.

People's well-being is not created in Aceh when

dictatorship, state repression, lack of democratic

institutionalization, lack of social justice, the failure

of development models that are not sensitive to local

culture, and the dominance of the interests of large

countries persist. This has contributed to the

emergence of radical and militant demands in the area

of implementation of sharia law. In other words,

violence will produce violence. In such

circumstances, there is no room for public

participation. In many Muslim countries affected by

the issue of the application of Islamic law, it is

difficult or even impossible for the community to

participate in the public order process, making

Islamization an interesting path in various areas of

Muslim community life will be to bring about change.

The stamp of "political Islam" (al-Islam alSiyasi) is

often given to Islamic movements in accordance with

this trend (Amal, 2004).

In its historical reality, there were parts of the

people of Aceh that could be manipulated by the

Dutch colonialists; in Acehnese they are called "loh".

Now the term "loh" is more commonly referred to as

ICOSOP 3 2019 - International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3

"cuak" (espionage/intelligence). The task of "loh" or

"cuak" is to bring about the dissolution of the

Acehnese fighters in the past, to investigate hiding

places, to persuade Acehnese troops to stop the

resistance, and others. As a result, many Aceh

guerrillas became victims. This has led to mistrust

and alertness that lives on from generation to

generation to shape the character of the people of

Aceh, who are always "cautious and suspicious".

Psychic symptoms as expressed by Hadih Majas "bu

bu bit ... ie bit ... ma ma droe ... laen gob bandum"

(water, well water ... rice, brown rice ... mother,

mother alone .. otherwise all stranger). Mention other

terms; "Meukon ie leuhob ... meukon droe gob" (if it's

not water, it's certainly mud, if not you, of course

someone else). This expression is meaningful, always

watchful and suspicious of others, except the mother

herself. Other people are always considered "rivals"

in their lives. On the other hand, political culture in

Aceh also has a culture of peace, such as suloh

(consultation) and peusijuk (reassurance) as an

attempt to resolve the peace in adat between the two

conflicting parties (Hasbullah, 2014).

The journey and dynamics of Aceh's story have

shaped the positive and negative nature of society.

Fear, deception, sabotage, grief, terror,

disappointment, and other sufferings will continue to

be experienced by them. While the political culture of

"hurting" among human beings as a legacy since

colonial times has already prevailed in the niches of

their hearts, it is very difficult to "cleanse" their flesh

and blood. The local expression "lay tacui duroe ngon

alee" (like the scrape of a thorn with a pestle)

represents the situation. The historian Taufik

Abdullah recalled a few years ago also "that the

history in Aceh is not past, but always up-to-date,

always alive, so it may be better to try to understand

Aceh more easily." (Abdullah, 1987).

The sense of fear of being deceived by the

government and the disappointment of the

government-led government now produced a radical

militant involvement. At present, the population of

Aceh is increasing year by year. In fact, political

participation in Aceh increased significantly in 2019.

Agusni (Agse, 2019) as Commissioner of the

Independent Election Commission (KIP). Voter

turnout has increased significantly. The number of

Acehnese who cast a vote reaches 79 percent.

Compared to the 2014 elections, which reached only

72 percent. Almost all people are involved to cast

their votes in this Democratic Party.

The great interest of the population of Aceh in

political participation could not eliminate the radical

militant participation, which even opposed a vote. It

is undeniable that radical militant participation is also

one of the categories of political participation in

Aceh, especially in Banda Aceh and West Aceh.

Voters who consider themselves as radically militant

are not even ordinary people. Many of them are from

people with higher education. They are aware of the

importance of political participation. Awareness of

the importance of such participation did not persuade

them to vote, as they had very little confidence in the

government. The radical militant participation lacks

confidence in the leadership of the legislative

candidates and the president. For them, the campaign

promises at this time only during the campaign. If the

political actor is later elected, the promises made

during the election campaign simply disappear.

In addition to the lack of confidence in the

promises of the government, there are several factors

that lead to trust radical militant government

participation is zero: The law weakens so that

negligence and slowness prevail among law

enforcement agencies, and the economy continues to

decline so that poverty cannot be otherwise avoided

as unemployment continues to be maintained, while

scientists continue to grow. Because of the imbalance

in life that these radical militants felt, they decided

not to interfere with the Democratic Party.

3 CONCLUSIONS

The development of political participation in Aceh,

especially in Banda Aceh and West Aceh, continues

to increase. This is reflected in the large number of

voters casting their votes in general elections.

However, this high level of interest is colored by

conflicts of political participation in the constituents.

They are facing an identity and leadership crisis.

Moreover, this participation conflict occurs with

radically militant participation. They chose not to

vote for a number of reasons, including the bad law,

a declining economy and rising poverty and

unemployment. Although the conflict over

participation no longer exerts violence, as happened

after the peacetime in Aceh, the campaign of the

ethnicity, religion, ancestry, and group of people

(SARA) issues and identity politics is a key weapon

for spreading people's thoughts. This is the conflict of

political participation of voters in Banda Aceh and

West Aceh.

Formation of Political Participation Conﬂicts in the Constituents of the City of Banda Aceh and West Aceh

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors would like to thank all informants who

are local politicians, political scientists, political

scientists and civil society, for their insights and their

cooperation. We also thank the Faculty of Social and

Political Sciences of Teuku Umar University for their

support.

REFERENCES

Abdullah, T., 1987. Islam dan masyarakat: Pantulan

sejarah indonesia, LP3ES. Jakarta.

Agse, 2019. Efek pemilu serentak partisipasi pemilih di

Aceh lampaui target. Detik. Retrieved from

https://news. detik.com/berita/d-4548893/efek-pemilu-

serentak-partisipasi-pemilih-di-aceh-lampaui-target.

Ahmad, K.B., 2016. relasi islam dan politik dalam sejarah

politik aceh abad 16-17. Al-Tahrir, XVI (2), 267-292.

Akmal, J., 2019. Muzakir minta referendum Aceh diduga

kecewa Prabowo kalah pilpres. Detik. Retrieved from

https://politik.rmol.id/read/2019/05/29/391378/muzaki

r-minta-referendum-aceh-diduga-kecewa-prabowo-

kalah-pilpres

Amal, T.A., 2004. Politik syariat islam, Pustaka Alvabet.

Jakarta.

Fadhil, R., 2016. Politik dan Perdamaian Aceh: Hoe Taba

Nanggroe. Analisis Situasi Jaringan Survey Inisiatif

(ANSIS JSI), IX, 1-14.

Halim, R., Muhlin, L., 2016. Partisipasi politik

masyarakat: teori dan praktik, Sah Media. Makassar.

Hasbullah, 2014. Sejarah konflik, budaya politik, dan

ketegangan di aceh menjelang pemilu 2014. Haba, 70,

5-12.

Kurdi, M., 2011. Islamic politics idealism in aceh an

investigation into academician and politician points of

view, Lembaga Kajian Agama dan Sosial (LKAS),

Banda Aceh.

Najjar, F.M., 1992. The application of sharia laws in egypt.

Middle East Policy, I(3), 63-64.

Nasrudin, J., Nurdin, A.A., 2018. Politik identitas dan

representasi politik (studi kasus pada pilkada dki

periode 2018-2022). Hanifiya: Jurnal Studi Agama-

Agama. I(1), 34-47.

Rahman, H.I., 2007. Sistem politik indonesia, Graha Ilmu.

Jakarta.

Ramadhan, M., 2017. Kontestasi agama dan politik:

Menyemai benih kerukunan antarumat beragama

pascakonflik, Yogyakarta. LKIS.

Surbakti, R., 2007. Memahami ilmu politik, Gramedia

Widiasarana Indonesia. Jakarta.

Wijaya, I., 2015. Inilah daftar kekecawaan terhadap

pemerintah Jokowi. Tempo. Retrieved from

https://nasional. tempo.co/read/665201/inilah-daftar-

kekecewaan-terhadap-pemerintah-

jokowi/full&view=ok

Yuliantina, M., 2016. Pengaruh kesadaran politik terhadap

partisipasi politik dalam pemilihan kepala desa di Desa

Hajimena Kecamatan Natar Kabupaten Lampung

Selatan. Skripsi. Universitas Lampung: Bandar

Lampung.

ICOSOP 3 2019 - International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3