Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai

Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social

Media Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political

Hardika Widi Satria

and Naldo

Vocational Education Program of Universitas Indonesia, U.I. Campus Depok, Indonesia

Advertising Laboratory, Vocational Education Program Universitas Indonesia, U.I. Campus Depok, Indonesia

Keywords: Advertising, Political Party, Lasswell Communication Model, Social Media, The New Order, Political

Advertisement, Youth, Technological Adaptation, Political Marketing

Abstract: Research aims: this article aims to examine the outlook of beginner voters of Indonesian students towards the

advertisements of Partai Berkarya and its value of the new order which lies in the social media advertising

message. Methodology: This study uses a quantitative method based on the questionnaire. This study employs

Lasswell's Communication Model. Findings: This research argues that the speaker of advertisement

communication affects the attitude and beliefs of the audience (beginner voters in Indonesia). Practical

Implications: This article provides a discussion on the current political campaign situation analysis of Partai

Berkarya. They fight for votes from beginner voters in Indonesia using advertisement of the new order image

or value through technology alteration in social media. It provides several suggestion and recommendations

for the industry of advertising in Indonesia. This study can be an insightful lesson-learned that can be used to

create another better political advertising campaign in Indonesia. Theoretical Implications: This study

expands the existing literature on communication studies, particularly in advertising, by providing academic

support of Indonesian communication political and advertising cases. It illustrates how the theoretical political

communication approach could help the advertising business creating more creative message in their

advertisement. This study expands the existing literature on youth perspective toward political ads in new

media in the age of industrial revolution 4.0. It illustrates how the theoretical approach could help the political

party creating a better message that tailored to the youth value behold.

1 INTRODUCTION

General elections play an essential role in the

democratic system of a government's country. The

vote in the democratic system is a way to elect

people's representatives for the parliament as well as

one form of fulfilment of human rights in the political

field and their sovereignty. As one of the democratic

country in the world, Indonesia has a fascinating

history, particularly in The New Order under

President Soeharto, which lasted 32 years. Nowadays

in the reform era, a new party emerged conveying

New Order message called Partai Berkarya and led by

the youngest child of President Soeharto, Hutomo

Mandala Putra. The Deputy Secretary-General of

Partai Berkarya, Arifin (2019) states their target in the

election year of 2019 to introduce the party to the

public at once gaining the votes of new voters

particularly millennial generation who were not born

at the time of New Order under President Soeharto's

rule. Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of

Indonesia (2018) proclaim there are 14 million new

voters out of a total of 196, 5 million who have the

right to vote in the 2019 Election. This number is

quite large and can contribute significantly to the

victory of candidates for President and Vice President

in the presidential election and election of members

of the parliament. For this reason, Partai Berkarya

targets new voters as one of the voting sources in the

2019 election through their political advertisement

message in social media.

Russo & Amnå (2016) explain political

behaviours interaction between personality and

environmental factors. People's desire to conform to

Widi Satria, H. and Naldo, .

Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social Media Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political

Advertisement.

DOI: 10.5220/0010027500002967

In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference of Vocational Higher Education (ICVHE 2019) - Empowering Human Capital Towards Sustainable 4.0 Industry, pages 14-25

ISBN: 978-989-758-530-2; ISSN: 2184-9870

social norms plays a central role in explaining

reactions to political conversations. Recently the

medium of conversations took place social media,

and the politician also uses it in term of the campaign

using social media advertising. Social media

advertising has assumed an increasing focus in recent

years in the domain of marketing. Advertising

through social media has overtaken the traditional

channel of advertising in various dimensions

(Natarajan et al., 2013). Unlike adult voters, Youth

are likely to form attitudes even without adequate

knowledge, or their knowledge may lead them to

adopt cynical attitudes that prevent participation

(L.R. Sherrod et al., 2004). Advertising, as one of the

branches of communication science, plays an

essential role in political communication primarily as

a form of persuasive information on the target

communicant. Soukup (2014) on the general area of

political communication cuts across almost all of the

communication study. The very name of the subject

area gives a sense of what it encompasses, but with

something so broad, definition poses a challenge. It

is, therefore, a challenge to Partai Berkarya to

effectively set up the New Order value in social media

advertising message, so it conveys to the Youth.

Partai Berkarya as a new party keeps up with the

transformation of communication technology as the

form of communication shift from analogue to digital

in the millennium era to disseminate the ideas and

New Order values to the Youth using social media.

There are five digital platforms used by Partai

Berkarya to advertise with the Youth such as Website,

Instagram, Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. This

type of communication can also be classified into

digital social media marketing communications.

People increasingly look at social media applications

as an essential part of their daily life and more likely

to move their interactions to the virtual platforms (i.e.

Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn and Twitter)

(Alalwan et al., 2017). Given differences in the

potential audience of web ads compared offline

communications, it might expect that online political

ads could be used for both engaging the base and

persuading undecided voters. The analysis suggests

that the campaigns pursued a diverse communication

strategy that targeted different messages to different

audiences, reaching far beyond core supporters

(Ballard et al., 2016). The use of social media

advertisement may lead to the speedup of the New

Order values amongst Youth and increase the level of

acceptance of the idea amongst them, but it may also

lead to rejection amongst them. When people connect

in social media, they share content with virtual friends

and acquaintances, they are all storytellers, and the

sharing of stories is how they perform socialities

(Lund et al., 2018). On the other hand, Guilbeault

(2018) argues digital marketing drives online

disinformation with digital ad revenues as their

primary source of profit, social-media companies

have designed their platforms to influence users on

behalf of marketers and politicians. In the logic of

digital marketing, specific demographics are more

valuable than others.

Students appear to overtake working

professionals in using social media. Similarly, the

way social media advertisements are perceived by

students and working professionals are not the same

and cannot be generalized. The current study

contrasts the difference between students and

working professionally towards social media

advertisements (Natarajan et al., 2013). While some

Asian countries (e.g. China and Vietnam) have their

own domestic social media platforms, social media

users in Indonesia tend to use international networks,

such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp, to

communicate. Moreover, it is predominantly the

young part of the population that uses social media.

Social media has most likely played a significant role

in these historical developments, and it also

represents an essential change in the political process

in democracies around the world. This holds not only

for typical Western democracies but also for young

democracies that can be characterized by relatively

weak institutions, such as Indonesia (Johansson,

2016). It is argued that the dissemination of

information through social media advertisement

plays a vital role as youth need access to information

to make decisions. Studies on social media and

politics show the emergence and rapid expansion of

social media represent a paradigm shift in the role

information communication plays in the political

process. Analogue media still constituting a critical

element in the political process but have some

fundamental limitations.

Politicians need to identify the potential electorate

among different users on the network site. Moreover,

politicians might be interested in early identifying

"swing voters" who are likely to change allegiance in

subsequent elections. Therefore, determining the

political orientation of users on social network sites is

crucial for targeting political messages, especially

during election campaigns (David et al., 2016).

Dawkins (2017) connect personality to the intensity

of campaign mobilization efforts and argue that the

composition of a person's personality shapes the way

one assesses the costs and benefits of participating in

the political process. Political marketing bears several

similarities to the marketing of goods and services.

Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social Media

Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political Advertisement

Consumers choose among brands just as voters

choose among candidates or parties. Consumers

display brand preferences (party loyalty and party

identification) and are exposed to mass media

(campaign advertising) and direct sales ("get-out-the-

vote" efforts), which may rely on various emotional

appeals and social influences. (Gad, 2014). Political

marketing of Partai Berkarya in social media in sum

is the connection between the personality of Hutomo

Mandala Putra as the chairman and the proposed New

Order values conveying to the youth electorate. The

political marketing process can be studied using

Lasswell Communication Model. Lasswell (1948)

developed five components which are used as an

analysis tool for evaluating the communication

process and components. Lasswell's model who is

saying something, which channel is used to convey

the messages, whom the message is aimed at and

what effect the message has.

2 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Political Advertisement

Political advertisement is essential for effective

campaigns. Voters are often informed about a

candidate's position on issues from advertisements

rather than the news (Patterson & McClure, 1976;

Zhao & Bleske, 1995). Patterson and McClure (1976)

argue that the impact of political advertising is more

conspicuous for moderate or less interested voters

than attentive ones. Political advertisement on T.V.

channels become the foremost means of

communication by the parties to persuade ambivalent

voters and to make sure that they turn up and vote in

their favour on the Election Day (Saleem et al., 2013).

However, a higher turn over or an unexpected shift in

votes on an Election Day ultimately also insures the

success of an ad (Tedesco, 2002, p. 38). Kruse (2001)

claim that a voter is going to collect its information

from either television talk shows or advertisement

before stamping a ballot paper.

Public Disclosure Commission (2019) declare

political advertising includes any advertising

displays, newspaper ads, billboards, signs, brochures,

articles, tabloids, flyers, letters, radio or television

presentations, digital or social media advertising, or

other means of mass communication, used for the

purpose of appealing, directly or indirectly, for votes

or for financial or other support in any election

campaign. It is intended to reach a large audience

through any of the methods described above as well

as periodicals, sample ballots, web sites, e-mails, text

messages, social media, and other online or electronic

formats enabling the exchange of communication.

Political advertisements can either paint a

favourable image of the candidates by focusing on

their character on issues, and they are employed to

portray their opponents negatively. Political ads may

undertake a variety of forms depending on what is the

main message they want to convey. Shyles (1984)

identified two different types of political ads: image

ads that highlight the personal qualities of the

candidate and issue ads that underline political issues.

Character or image ads relay a candidate's qualities

such as leadership, honesty, trustworthiness,

competence, and compassion (Kaid & Johnston,

1991). Conversely, issue ads often contain

information about a candidate's stance on policies or

issues and attempt to differentiate candidates from

their opponents. Issue ads are likely to enhance a

candidate's image ratings, whereas image ads can

generate more excellent recall of information (Kaid &

Sanders, 1978), especially when the candidate is not

well known (Schleuder, 1990). Image ads mainly

used source credibility and ethical appeals, whereas

issue ads more often relied on emotional than logical

language that is usually equally conveyed by the

candidate or an anonymous announcer (Johnston &

Kaid, 2002).

In this digitalized era, internet advertising is

rapidly becoming a medium of choice for

governments, political parties, corporations, activists,

and others to win support, sell products, budge

stubborn prejudices, and otherwise shape the public's

perceptions, beliefs, and behaviour. There is a change

in mass communication; political campaigns'

advertising efforts have also increasingly focused on

online media (Kaye & Kaid, 2012). Online

advertisements present a unique empirical that

individuals will be repeatedly exposed to acceptable

messages.

2.2 Political Marketing

The theory and practice of political and marketing are

grounded in the concept of exchange. O'Cass (1996)

focuses on " linkage between the marketing exchange

process and the marketing concept as a means of

creating and facilitating effective exchanges," and

"exchange value between any social entities".

Newman (2002) focuses on "the application of

marketing principles in response to the needs and

wants of selected people and groups in society". On

the other hand, Lees-Marshment (2001) considers

applying "marketing to the whole behaviour of a

political organization at the beginning through to the

ICVHE 2019 - The International Conference of Vocational Higher Education (ICVHE) “Empowering Human Capital Towards Sustainable

4.0 Industry”

end of an electoral cycle (not just the elections

campaign)". Butler, Collins, and Fellenz (2007) refer

to Henneberg's definition of commercial marketing:

[Seeking] to establish, maintain and enhance long-

term voter relationships at a profit for social and

political parties so that the objectives of the individual

political actors and organizations involved are met.

This is done by mutual exchange and fulfilment of

promises.

The application of marketing principles to politics

often presumes that somehow or to some point, a

political organization will observe and acknowledge

its environment. The public or other peers, and will

start behaving in an organized manner to develop

some sort of market intelligence and will begin to

fulfil the expectations and needs of these voters or

groups for a "profit" with numerous communication

and media channels available (Newman, 1999).

Political marketing provides essential benefits to

citizens by giving information about candidates,

parties, policies, motivate political participation, and

promote accountability. It is, in the same way, a set of

managerial processes relying on systematic

knowledge of, engagement with, and responsiveness

to, citizens who are the "consumers" of what is

offered by political marketers. Given this perspective,

competition drives politicians to respond to citizen

demands and preferences by providing essential

political information in a manner that reduces the

costs of obtaining it and help to motivate citizens to

participate in politics.

2.3 Social Media

Social media is a form of digital media which

provides a place for political marketers to create a

political marketplace where candidates, government

officials, and political parties can use social media to

drive public opinion in the desired direction. Social

media has today become a potent tool for expressing

opinions, views, and ideas and has become an

influential tool of opinion creation. According to

Palmer and Koening-Lewis (2009), social media is an

online application platform which facilitates

interaction, collaboration, and sharing of content. All

the existing approaches have pinpointed the social

dimension of web 2.0 technologies that "refer to a

collection of social media through which individuals

are active participants in creating, organizing, editing,

combining, sharing, commenting, and rating web

content as well as forming a social network through

interacting and linking to each other" (Chun,

Shulman, Sandoval, & Hovy, 2010). In the present

era of electronic revolution when social media has

become the means of all communication, political

parties are also considering social media for their

marketing and advertising purpose.

The component of social media has evolved as an

essential tool for advertisement in the election and

become a robust platform for expressing opinion

worldwide, for example, 2008 U.S. Presidential

elections (Smith, 2009), New Zealand general

election 2011(Cameron, Barrett, & Stewardson,

2015), 2010 Korean elections (Kim, 2011), and in

2010 Swedish election (Larsson & Moe, 2012).

Campaigns are fundamentally about contrasts and

contrasts are what candidates strive to create between

themselves and their opponents in order to frame the

choices voters have on Election Day. Campaigns

always will be fundamentally about contacting voters,

communicating with them, trying to persuade them to

vote a certain way, and getting those voters to the

polls. Technology has made this more accessible over

the years and the significant shift toward new media,

which can be defined as any interactive form of

communication on the Internet-based, including

social media.

2.4 Lasswell Communication Model

Harold Lasswell is an American political scientist and

communication theorist. He developed the model of

communication in 1948, which is regarded as "one of

the earliest and most influential communication

models (Muth, Finley & Muth, 1990). Lasswell

model is also well known as the "5W" model.

Figure 1: Lasswell Communication Model

There is much controversy in the study of the

model, but it explicitly divides the communication

process into five parts or elements and

correspondingly limits to five research areas. It can

adequately describe the communication process and

provide a perfect point of view to study new media

communication. As the process by which a message

gets transmitted from a communicator to receivers to

affect those receivers' behaviour, viral marketing

entails a communication process among individuals.

Lasswell's classic formula of communication

theory— "who says what, how, and to whom" or

"who says what in which channel to whom"—also

may apply to viral marketing; its dimensions more

formally can be called source, content, channel, and

Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social Media

Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political Advertisement

receiver, respectively. This model contains the

primary elements of communication and offers a

framework for a schematic representation of

communication activities. This study combines

elements from Lasswell's communication model and

marketing, adopt it as a theoretical foundation.

2.5 The New Order

The New Order is the term coined by the second

Indonesian President Suharto when he came to power

in 1966. The term itself is used to characterize his

regime to contrast his rule with his predecessor,

President Sukarno known with The Old Order.

President Suharto immediately began to reverse many

of Sukarno's policies. The term "New Order" over

time has become synonymous with the President

Suharto years from 1966 to his downfall in 1998.

Domestically, the support of the army enabled

Suharto to achieve political stability that had been

lacking under Sukarno. But the major policies

initiated by the new regime, which Suharto

designated as the New Order, had to do with

economic rehabilitation. Successful negotiations

secured a rescheduling of Indonesia's foreign debts

and attracted aid through a group of donor countries.

The complex regulations governing economic

activity were simplified. In 1967 a new foreign

investment law provided a framework for new private

capital investment.

The New Order reign under President Suharto is

designed to be a dynasty with the involvement of his

children in map out the development of the country.

Suharto family is given another name which is the

Cendana family. It refers to the street name in

Menteng where they are life. The practice of

corruption, collusion and nepotism were flourished

thriving during the New Order with the support of

repressive and oppressive methods under the

command of President Suharto. In contrast to the

2014 presidential election, the Cendana group

together with Partai Berkarya under the command of

Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra began to dare to

speak out loudly carrying jargon in public which

contained the romance of the success of his father

during the New Order to be presented again. The big

family of Cendana even appeared in a photo with the

full formation in the public space stating their support

to fall back to the New Order era by promoting the

success story of President Suharto and Partai

Berkarya itself.

Towards the 2019 presidential election, the issue

of the New Order was suddenly sticking out again.

This was due to the statement of the daughter of

President Soeharto, Titiek Soeharto. She considers

that in the Soeharto era, it was better than President

Jokowi. She also proposes to back to new order value

on some occasion, including in social media. Social

media seems to be a field of hyper-reality warfare that

has positioned all those involved in the position of all

opponents.

3 METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Approach and Design

This study is a quantitative method which emphasizes

objective measurements and the statistical,

mathematical, or numerical analysis of data collected

through polls, questionnaires, and surveys, or by

manipulating pre-existing statistical data using

computational techniques. Quantitative research

focuses on gathering numerical data, generalizing it

across groups of people to explain a phenomenon

(Babbie, 2010; Muijs, 2010). Descriptive research

was conducted to gather data that describe events and

then organizes, tabulates, depicts, and describes the

data collection (Glass & Hopkins, 1984). The method

of collecting data used in this study is a survey which

is one of the research methods commonly used to

improve quantitative data (Bovee & Arena, 1992:

188).

In this research, researcher spreads questionnaire

using a random sampling technique. In this technique,

each member of the population has an equal chance

of being selected as a subject. The entire process of

sampling is done in a single step with each subject

selected independently of the other members of the

population. The survey is an investigation that is held

to obtain facts from the symptoms of existing

symptoms and look for information factually, both

about the institution, social, economic, or politics of

a group or an area (Nazir, 1998: 29). In other words,

the sample units contacted are adjusted to certain

criteria applied based on the research objectives.

The population is a region of generalization

consisting of; object or subject that has the certain

quantity and characteristics determined by the

researcher to be studied, and then withdrawn

conclusion (Ruslan, 2005: 133). A population can

also be interpreted as the unit to be studied, or the total

number of people who are suitable to be used as a

respondent or which is quite relevant to a study

(Lawrence, 2000: 249). The data used in this study is

primary data, namely, data collected directly by

researchers who are given directly to the selected

sample to answer the problem or purpose of the study.

ICVHE 2019 - The International Conference of Vocational Higher Education (ICVHE) “Empowering Human Capital Towards Sustainable

4.0 Industry”

The population itself is limited to student and

beginner voters and at the end of survey period 87

respondent's data were collected ranging from their

personal information up to their point of view of

Partai Berkarya advertisement in social media.

In distributing the questionnaire, the researcher

uses an online survey by providing google form:

https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSd7YQ

U33r8mtes701WOiL7mz0siAdEyje1wMT_S2H7Ok

mxUlA/viewform?usp=sf_link

4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION

The researcher tried to gather data from many sources

by surveying, literature study, online sources study,

etc. The objective is to explore more about what is the

outlook of student and beginner voters towards the

advertisement of Partai Berkarya and new order value

specifically in social media.

4.1 Descriptive Statistics

Respondent General Information

The data used in this study is primary data, namely,

data collected directly by researchers who are given

directly to the selected sample to answer the problem

or purpose of the study. In this study carried out

through distributing questionnaires to 87 respondents

(Sekaran, 2012). After being collected, 87

respondents were explained as follows:

Table 1: Respondent Gender

Gender Total Respondent Percentage (%)

Male 54 62,1

Female 33 37,9

Total 87 100

Table 2: Respondent Age

Age Total Respondent Percentage (%)

17 – 19 years old 26 29,9

20 – 22 years old 55 63,2

> 22 years old 6 6,9

Total 87 100

From table 1 and 2 above we can see the

composition of gender and age of the respondents.

There are 54 male (62,1%) and 33 females (37,9%).

Afterwards, the respondent age is ranging from 17-19

years old (29,9%), 20-22 years old (63,2%), and >22

years old (6,9%). The vast majority of respondents

are male, and most respondents of this study are

between 20-22 years old.

Table 3: Respondent Education Background

Educational

Background

Total

Respondent

Percentage

(%)

Senior High School 45 51,7

Vocational Higher

Education

36 41,4

Bachelor Degree 6 6,9

Total 87 100

Table 4: Respondent Ethnicity Race Background

Ethnicity Race Total Respondent Percentage (%)

Java 35 40,22

Sundanese 16 18,39

Minangkabau 9 10,34

Bataknese 8 9,19

Betawinese 7 8,04

Acehnese 1 1,14

Chinese 2 2,29

Minahasa 1 1,14

Balinese 1 1,14

Sasak 1 1,14

Arab 2 2,29

Melayu 2 2,29

Bugis 2 2,29

Total 87 100

Table 3 and 4 describe educational and ethnicity

race background of the respondents. It shows that

senior high school and vocational higher education

student form the most educational background of the

respondent with 51,7% and 41,4%. Further, Java is

the most ethnic race with 40,22%, followed by

Sundanese and Minangkabau, respectively 18,39%

and 10,34%.

Table 5: Respondent Social Media Platform

Social Media

Platform

Total

Respondent

Percentage

(%)

Facebook 54 21,01

YouTube 53 20,62

Twitter 57 22,17

Instagram 85 33,07

WhatsApp 3 1,16

Line 3 1,16

Weibo 1 0,38

LinkedIn 1 0,38

Total 257 100

Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social Media

Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political Advertisement

Respondents use Instagram as their preferably social

media platform with 33,07%, followed by Twitter

22,17%, Facebook 21,02% and YouTube 20,61%. It

is in line with the usage of social media where

Instagram set in the first place with 79,31% and

followed by Twitter 12,64%

Table 6: Respondent Most Social Media Usage

Social Media

Usage

Total

Respondent

Percentage

(%)

YouTube 4 4,59

Twitter 11 12,64

Instagram 69 79,31

WhatsApp 3 3,44

Total 87 100

. If we look at the average time spend in social

media, 3-4 hour per day is the most average social

media consumption, followed by >4 hours with

28,7% and 1-2 hour with 27,6%.

Table 7: Respondent Average Social Media Time Spent Per

Day

Average Social Media

Consumption

Total

Respondent

Percentage

(%)

<1 hour 5 5,7

1-2 hour 24 27,6

3-4 hour 33 37,9

>4 hour 25 28,7

Total 87 100

Figure 2: Following Political Account/Political Party

Account on Social Media

Figure 3: How Important is Politics to You?

In term of using social media, respondents tend to

not to follow account something to do with politics,

whether its political account or political party account

with 63,2%. The rest 36,8%, on the other hand, follow

something that has to do with politics. When it comes

to assessing the importance of politics to them, Likert

scale is used with value (1= very not important, 5=

very important). It looks that politics is quite

significant to them where almost respondent's

response are 3 and 4 respectively 42,5% and 31%.

81,6% of the respondents then claim has been

exposed to political ads during their time spend on

social media.

Figure 4: Have you ever seen a political ad / political party

on your social media feeds?

Partai Berkarya and Ads

Figure 5: Do you know Partai Berkarya?

Figure 6: Have you ever seen Partai Berkarya ads on social

media?

Figure 5 and 6 describe more about Partai

Berkarya in the mind of the respondents. It turns out

that 70,1% of them know the party compare to 29,9%

that does not know. Many of the respondents as much

as 71,3% states never seen Partai Berkarya ads on

their social media and only 28,7% reveal they have

seen the ads on social media. Furthermore table 8 tell

us where on social media they have seen the ads.

While 41,84% claim never seen the ads on social

media, the ads itself still can be seen on Instagram as

much as 22,44%, YouTube 14,28%, Twitter 11,22%

and Facebook 10,20%. If it sums there are 58,14%

ads of Partai Berkarya on the social media distribute

in four social media platform mentioned above.

Yes

ICVHE 2019 - The International Conference of Vocational Higher Education (ICVHE) “Empowering Human Capital Towards Sustainable

4.0 Industry”

Table 8: Where on social media have you seen the

advertisements of Partai Berkarya?

Social Media

Platform

Total

Respondent

Percentage

(%)

Facebook 10 10,20

YouTube 14 14,28

Twitter 11 11,22

Instagram 22 22,44

Never seen 41 41,83

Total 98 100

Figure 7: Partai Berkarya Ads on Facebook

Figure 7 suggests the valuation of the respondents

toward attractiveness of the ads, particularly on

Facebook ads. The valuation itself use Likert scale to

measure the attractiveness (1= very unattractive, 5=

very attractive). The result shows that the Facebook

ads of Partai Berkarya considered unattractive with

response 1 and 2 jointly together form 64% of

unattractiveness valuation toward Partai Berkarya ads

on Facebook.

Figure 8: Partai Berkarya Ads on Instagram 1

Figure 8 suggests the valuation of the respondents

toward attractiveness of the ads, particularly on

Instagram ads. The valuation itself use Likert scale to

measure the attractiveness (1= very unattractive, 5=

very attractive). The result shows that the Instagram

ads of Partai Berkarya considered almost attractive

with response 2 and 3 form a major significant

number respectively 31,4% for response 2 and 33,7%

for response 3. It has better valuation compared to the

previous ads on Facebook even though it only present

copy of words.

Figure 9: Partai Berkarya Ads on Instagram 2

Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social Media

Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political Advertisement

Figure 9 suggests the valuation of the respondents

toward attractiveness of the ads, particularly on

Instagram ads. The valuation itself use a Likert scale

to measure the attractiveness (1= very unattractive,

5= very attractive). The result shows that the

Instagram ads of Partai Berkarya that contain quotes

from another politician considered diverse where

16,3% assume it is very unattractive, 29,1% less

unattractive, 26,7% indifferent, 17,4% less attractive

and 10,5% very attractive. It has a better valuation

compared to the same ads on Instagram before when

there are quotes from another politician involved.

Figure 10: Partai Berkarya Ads on Twitter

Figure 10 suggests the valuation of the

respondents toward attractiveness of the ads,

particularly on Twitter ads. The valuation itself use a

Likert scale to measure the attractiveness (1= very

unattractive, 5= very attractive). The result shows that

the Twitter ads of Partai Berkarya that made using

WPAP illustration technique tend to consider as

attractive were 43,1% jointly formless attractive and

very attractive responses followed with 29,1%

assume it indifferently. It has better valuation to the

respondents where its design meets state of the art in

the eyes of beginner voters' taste.

Figure 11: Partai Berkarya Ads on YouTube (sequences)

Figure 11 suggests the valuation of the

respondents toward attractiveness of the ads,

particularly on YouTube ads. The valuation itself use

a Likert scale to measure the attractiveness (1= very

unattractive, 5= very attractive). The result shows that

the YouTube ads of Partai Berkarya that contain the

story of the new order value and its greatness up to

the probation of Suharto's family back to the politics

tend to consider as unattractive where 36,7% jointly

form very unattractive and less attractive responses

followed with 39,5% assume it indifferently. The ads

seem to be not appealed in the eyes of beginner voters

when it backs to the glorify new order era.

Figure 12: Willingness to Comment on Partai Berkarya

Ads

Figure 13: Willingness to Like/Love on Partai Berkarya

Ads?

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4.0 Industry”

Figure 14: Willingness to Share on Partai Berkarya Ads

Figure 12, 13 and 14 sequentially describes the

willingness beginner voters to comment, like/love

and share content of Partai Berkarya ads on their

social media. It suggests the valuation of the

respondents toward the willingness to comment,

like/love and shares the content of the ad. The

valuation itself use a Likert scale to measure the

attractiveness (1= absolute no, 5= absolute yes). The

result shows that the willingness behaviour to

comment, like/love and share content of Partai

Berkarya ads amongst beginner voters, tend to

consider as a negative result where 59,8% respondent

aspire not to give a comment on the ads, 62% not to

give a like/love on the ads, and 79,3% will not share

the ads on their social media. Beginner voters seem to

form a negative behaviour when it comes to the

attitude of using social media such as; comment,

like/love and share the content of the Partai Berkarya

ads.

Figure 15: Willingness to Vote on Partai Berkarya at 2019

Election?

Figure 16: Creativeness and Novelty of Partai Berkarya

Ads

Figure 15 and 16 sequentially describes the

willingness beginner give a vote on Partai Berkarya

at 2019 election and the perspective of creativeness

of Partai Berkarya ads on beginner voters. It suggests

the valuation of the respondents toward the

willingness to give a vote and consideration of ads

creativeness. The valuation itself use a Likert scale to

measure the acceptance (1= absolute no, 5= absolute

yes). The result shows that the willingness of

beginner voters to give a vote for Partai Berkarya in

the 2019 election tend to consider as a negative result

where 59,7% respondent aspire not to give a vote for

Partai Berkarya at the election and 46% of them found

that the ads are considered not creative and less

novelty. Beginner voters seem not to give a vote for

Partai Berkarya although some of its ads are

considered attractive to beginner voters like in

Twitter.

The New Order Value

Figure 17: Do You Know the New Order?

Figure 18: High Willingness to Know the New Order

Figure 17 and 18 sequentially describes more

about the new order value amongst beginner voters.

It shows that 93,1% of the respondent claim to know

the new order and 78,8% aspire to know more about

the new order. Beginner voters seem to curious about

new order since it has to do with politics and the

future of the country.

Figure 19: Do You Support New Order Value in Partai

Berkarya?

Yes

Beginner Voters Outlook on New Media Advertisements of Partai Berkarya and the New Order Values among Students: A Social Media

Technological Adaptation Study of Indonesian Political Advertisement

Figure 20: Do You Believe Indonesia Will Get Back Its

Greatness if Practicing New Order Value?

Figure 19 and 20 sequentially describes the

attitude of beginner voters on supporting new order

value in Partai Berkarya and their point of view on the

discourse to get back to practising new order value

today situation. It suggests the valuation of the

respondents toward the attitude of supporting new

order value, particularly in Partai Berkarya and

personal point of view on practising new order value

on the current political situation. The valuation itself

use a Likert scale to measure the acceptances (1=

absolute no, 5= absolute yes). The result shows that

the acceptance of beginner voters to support new

order value in Partai Berkarya is consider as a

negative result where 56,5% respondent aspire not to

support new order value in Partai Berkarya, and

55,1% of them believe that practising back new order

value to the current situation is not good for Indonesia

and lead to the backward.

5 CONCLUSION

Beginner voters look to act negatively towards

political advertisement and political marketing of

Partai Berkaya, which relies heavily on the new order

values. All new order values and figures in Partai

Berkaya seem does not contribute much to the

political marketing of the party. The communication

model that distributes evenly to social media

platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and

YouTube fail to convey the political message that lies

throughout political ads in the social media targeting

to the beginner voters. The idea to introduce the party

to the public at once gaining beginner voters such

Deputy Secretary-General of Partai Berkarya, Arifin

(2019) once said, seem to unsuccessful.

Beginner voters hold their own value which looks

very different to the value Partai Berkarya has

proposed throughout their message in political ads in

social media. The social norm of beginner voters

seams reacts differently to the norm build by Partai

Berkarya. Thus the conversation in the social media

of Partai Berkarya assumed insignificant when it

comes to the willingness of comment, likeability

content and sharing the content in the social media.

The personality of the Partai Berkarya leader also

plays a pivotal part as Lasswell communication

model says "who says what in which channel to

whom with what effect", hereupon the key message

delivered by all the leaders (Suharto family) in social

media in aiming beginner voters do not contribute

positively to the result since the effect to the beginner

voters do not shift much after exposure by Partai

Berkarya ads. We may assume that beginner voters

form their attitude even without adequate knowledge,

but from the point of view political marketing, it is

clear that Partai Berkarya fails to recreate persuasive

information of new order throughout ads in social

media in order to gain support and vote from the

beginner voters.

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