development of GPS including the poor construction
and organization ability, low efficiency, over-
administration and undeveloped supervision (Nai,
2014). Others put forward different measures to
improve the performance of GPS, such as the
extension of services scope, consideration of service
satisfaction, the elderly’s economic levels, third-party
assessment, trust-building, and independence of
social service organizations (Wen, 2017). Currently,
the implementation of CESM in China is mainly
through direct government purchase of services
(GPS) by which the government pays for some basic
elderly services to meet the community elderly
service demand. Services due to GPS mainly come
from grass-root elderly service organisations, which
are responsible for the final implementation and
delivery. However, the CESM in China has not
achieved the desired effects, major failings, amongst
others, are summarised as follows: (i) Various
government sectors/departments may not (or
incapable of) reach any consensus on the elderly
service demand and functions of community elderly
service organisations; thus resulting in confusion in
policy (Li and Dahl, 2015); (ii) There is not any
specialised and standard legal basis for making GPS,
thus leading to poor GPS decisions or even corruption
(Ramesh et al., 2014, Nai, 2014); and (iii) Those
grass-root service providers often pay lip service to
relevant management advice from government as
formality, and most elderly in communities can
hardly enjoy the benefits from the policy of GPS (Xu,
Wu, and Zeng, 2014). To improve the status quo in
China, we study the case of Hong Kong community
care service system, and analyse the advantages and
disadvantages between the China and Hong Kong
community elderly service systems.
In making GPS by the Chinese government, the
control is mostly responsible by the authority and
authorisations are given to departments
hierarchically. The grass-root community elderly
service institutions or providers are only responsible
for implementation. Such over-administration by the
government undermines the autonomy of community
elderly service institutions (Liu et al., 2008, Wang
and Salamon, 2010). Over time, this results in the
complacency of the service providers, loss of
enthusiasm of the stakeholders (especially the end
users), and the generally low regard and approval
rating of the CESM (Liu, 2006). Therefore, it is
desired that some form of intermediate entity in the
CESM, which can not only share the management
responsibilities with the government, but can also
enhance proactive management awareness and the
efficient use of government resources for elderly
services. We consider the transformation of the
government’s role in the CESM by introducing the
concepts polycentric governance and meta-
governance. Briefly, the proponents of the former
opine that the centre of power to manage the society
is diverse, putting the government, the market and the
society on the same position rather than that
prescribed by the state-centred theory (McKieran et
al, 2000). Polycentric uses cooperation and
consultations to resolve disagreements and conflicts
in the diverse and decentralised social environment.
On the other hand, meta-governance pays more
attention to the role of government in public service
administration (Jessop, 2015). The government still
plays the main role in the case of meta-governance,
and it is regarded as ‘the senior’ in the social
management network. However, the government
does not assume the highest authority but bears the
responsibilities of establishing common guidelines to
govern social organisations and stabilising the
general direction of the main players. For CESM, the
designed way of a governance framework is mainly
based on environmental factors, not least the specific
social and political environments in which it operates
(Meuleman, 2011).
With demand uncertainties due to market
fluctuations or operation changes, the government is
unable to adjust and update the purchasing decisions
in time, resulting in the supply-demand information
asymmetry and waste of community elderly services
capacity (Guo et al., 2013, Nelson and Sen, 2014). In
practice, this operational mechanism is lack of
centralised management as well as the coordination
between the demand and services capacity supply.
The community elderly service institutions have no
rights to supervise the elderly service providers
(ESPs) who cooperate with the government by
contracts, so they cannot directly coordinate price,
costs, service capacity ordering quantity and
relationships. Also, the performance evaluation made
by the elderly for the ESP is not paid attention, so that
the elderly services market is a lack of appropriate
incentives and competition (Yang and Hwang, 2006).
Gradually, the government-led community elderly
institutions lose the risk aversion consciousness.
The tremendous development of the service
industry has motivated the research in service supply
chain (SSC); and the resulting SSC concepts and
theories have been successfully applied to the fields
of logistics, tourism, finance, healthcare (Akkermans
and Vos, 2003; Hong et al, 2011; Huemer, 2012),
amongst others. A more comprehensive definition of
SSC is given by Song and Chen (2009), who describe
SSC as a form of service-oriented integration supply
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