Table 1: Classical measures of power in the Madrid Assembly, legislature 2015–2019.
(a) (b) (c)
(–) (R) (L) (–) (R) (L) (–) (R) (L)
1. PP 0.5000 0.6666 0.0000 0.7500 0.7500 0.0000 0.7500 0.7500 0.0000
2. PSOE 0.1666 0.0000 0.3333 0.2500 0.0000 0.2500 0.2500 0.0000 0.3333
3. Podemos 0.1666 0.0000 0.3333 0.2500 0.0000 0.2500 0.2500 0.0000 0.3333
4. C’s 0.1666 0.3333 0.3333 0.2500 0.2500 0.2500 0.2500 0.2500 0.3333
1: PP (Partido Popular), conservative party: 48
seats.
2: PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Espa
˜
nol), mod-
erate left–wing party: 37 seats.
3: Podemos, radical left–wing party: 27 seats
4: C’s (Ciudadanos), Spanish nationalist liberal
party: 17 seats.
Under the standard absolute majority rule, and as-
suming voting discipline within parties, the structure
of this parliamentary body can be represented by the
weighted majority game
v ≡ [65; 48,37, 27,17].
Therefore, the strategic situation given by means of
the set of minimal wining coalitions
W
m
(v) = {{1,2},{1, 3},{1, 4},{2,3,4}},
shows that players 2, 3 and 4 are symmetric in v, and
the multilinear extension of v is
f (x
1
,x
2
,x
3
,x
4
) =x
1
x
2
+ x
1
x
3
+ x
1
x
4
+
x
2
x
3
x
4
− x
1
x
2
x
3
− x
1
x
2
x
4
− x
1
x
3
x
4
.
A main feature of the Madrid Assembly issued from
the elections was the absence of a party enjoying ab-
solute majority, so a coalition government was ex-
pected to form. We will not try to give here a full
description of the complexity of the Madrid politics.
We wish only to state that the politically most likely
coalitions to form, and the corresponding coalition
structures to the analysis of which we will limit our-
selves, were clearly the following:
• PP + C’s, the “right”–wing majority alliance:
B
R
= {{1, 4},{2},{3}}.
• PSOE + Podemos + C’s, the “left”–wing majority
alliance: B
L
= {{1}, {2,3,4}}.
We would like to analyze these two situations. Of
course, our main interest will center on the strategic
possibilities of party 4 (C’s), whose position is crucial
in the two–alternative scenario we are considering.
A classical approach to study the problem would
consist in using either (a) the Shapley value and the
Owen value, (b) the Banzhaf value and the Owen–
Banzhaf value, or (c) the Banzhaf value and the sym-
metric coalitional Banzhaf value, in order to evaluate
the strategic possibilities of each party under both hy-
potheses. The results are given in Table 1, where (–)
means no coalition formation, (R) means that PP +
C’s forms, and (L) means that PSOE + Podemos +
C’s forms.
According to (a), C’s gets the same profit in both
alliances. The same conclusion is obtained according
to (b). Instead, according to (c), C’s would strictly
prefer joining PSOE and Podemos instead of PP.
Moreover, by symmetry, the power of C’s when there
is not a coalition formation coincides with the power
of PSOE. According to (a), when the “right”-wing al-
liance is formed, the outside parties are reduced to a
null position and the power of C’s increases regard-
ing to the initial power in v. The same happens when
the “left”–wing alliance is formed
As we have seen, in the present Legislature, stud-
ied here, in order to form a government coalition
the role of C’s was crucial. Thus, C’s was faced to
the dilemma of choosing among either a a “left”–
wing majority coalition with PSOE and Podemos or a
“right”–wing majority coalition with PP, which was
finally formed in 2015.
Example 4.2. We consider here the Andalusian Par-
liament (legislature 2015–2019).
Five parties elected members to the Andalucia
Parliament (109 seats) in the elections held on 22
March 2015. The seat distribution of the parties are
as follows.
1: PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Espa
˜
nol), mod-
erate left–wing party: 47 seats.
2: PP (Partido Popular), conservative party: 33
seats.
3: Podemos, radical left–wing party: 15 seats
4: C’s (Ciudadanos), Spanish nationalist liberal
party: 9 seats.
5: IULV–CA, Coalition of eurocommunist parties,
federated to Izquierda Unida, and ecologist
ICORES 2019 - 8th International Conference on Operations Research and Enterprise Systems
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