4 EXPERIMENTAL
BACKGROUND
Taking inspiration from a similar exercise which was
conducted in an industry setting (Snyman et al.,
2018), a behavioural threshold analysis experiment
was conducted to examine the information security
behaviour of students at a predominantly residential
South African university. The experiment was
specifically designed with a new set of contextual
factors in mind when compared to that of (Snyman et
al., 2018). In contrast to the industry setting in
(Snyman et al., 2018), the context of the university
students is one of living together in a university
residence. A description of these specific contextual
factors, in reference to the general factors in Table 2,
is given below in terms of the physical milieu and the
social milieu.
Physical Milieu – A university residence, as
mentioned above, physically consists of common
areas (lounges, television rooms, kitchens, laundry
rooms, public computer rooms, reception), as well as
private sleeping quarters which houses one or two
students per room. The close proximity of this kind of
living arrangement provides the members of the
residence with unprecedented access to the behaviour
of others. Both in practical terms that allow the
observation of the behaviour of others, and physical
terms in which access is afforded to personal and
university computers and networks.
A certain level of convenience is conveyed by
living in close quarters. For instance, if network
access is required after business hours and a person’s
credentials have expired, it is easy to simply ask any
other inhabitant of the residence to supply their
details. It is convenient for the borrower as their
ability to access the network is instantly restored
without the need to contact the help-desk which will
not respond in real-time.
Given the combination of different academic
levels and technical proficiencies that cohabit, it is
probable that someone with a high level of know-how
or expertise can readily be found to help circumvent
security controls that stand in the way of quickly or
conveniently completing a task.
An example of such a circumvention is accessing
dubious websites that are restricted on the university
network by means of masking their network traffic by
employing virtual private networks to third party
providers. In these cursory examples, one sees that
the physical milieu provides means and opportunity
to engage in risky information security behaviour.
The social milieu, described below, may help provide
the motive.
Social Milieu – University residences are a
socially rich environment with a unique culture. This
gives rise to many interactions between people that
may influence how they behave. In information
security terms, this influence may contribute to bad
security behaviour in the following ways:
In a residence, there is a constant presence of other
people. Even in a private space like sleeping quarters,
there might be another resident present. This implies
that some actions of an individual, that would
normally go unnoticed, are being observed. If they
visit a dubious website, someone may be there to
observe it. When password sharing occurs between
two parties it may be witnessed by any or all of the
others present. Therefore, this constant presence may
convey an unprecedented sense of awareness of the
information security habits of the resident corps. The
awareness may set the precedent for future behaviour.
Peer pressure is ever-present in university
residences (Johnson et al., 2005; Young and de Klerk,
2008; de Klerk, 2013). A strict hierarchy prevails
where a pecking order distinction is made based on
the number of years someone has been residing in the
specific residence. There is also a specific distinction
between junior (usually first-year students or first-
time entrants) and senior students. In this hierarchy,
juniors have very little autonomy and, especially
during an initial orientation, are forced to obey senior
residents (de Klerk, 2013). The peer pressure and
hierarchy that is present in residences are usually seen
as factors in hazing (de Klerk, 2013) and alcohol
consumption in literature (Johnson et al., 2005;
Young and de Klerk, 2008) but is also applicable to
security behaviour. A resident may easily be coerced,
through this hierarchical structure and peer pressure,
into divulging credentials, not reporting security
circumventions, downloading illicit content, etc.
Even though the hierarchy may be seen in a
negative light as illustrated above, it may also
contribute to a sense of belonging and camaraderie
(de Klerk, 2013). There is an implied level of trust
associated with shared experiences. This is
compounded by the compulsory attendance of events
(Johnson et al., 2005; de Klerk, 2013) that are meant
to reaffirm the bond between the residents. This trust
allows for a false sense of safety where security is
concerned. For instance, one might not appropriately
scrutinise an email that was (presumably) sent by a
confidant and assume it to be safe. The assumption
will leave one open to malware and phishing attacks.
Extending Table 2, Table 3 summarises the extrinsic
factors (as described in Section II) that relate to the
context of students living together in a residence.