and, accordingly, in assessments of social prevention
projects. Therefore, hardly anyone understands, both
in Belgium and in other countries of the European
Union, about the scale and prevalence of drug-related
crimes - the following authors write (Cauchy D.,
Madriaza, P., Monnier, C., Martel-Perron, R., Robert-
Colomby, J., Benzacar, N. & Modica, C., 2015).
Meanwhile, the number of drug-related convictions,
for example, in Belgium, increased by 16.5%
between 2005 and 2014, and this type of crime is now
one of the five of all reported violations (Plettinckx
E., Antoine, J., Gremeaux L. & Van Oyen, H., 2017).
The only certainty of international research on this
issue lies in the conclusion that drug-related crime
consists mainly of psychopharmacological and
economic coercion (Cauchy D., Madriaza, P.,
Monnier, C., Martel-Perron, R., Robert-Colomby, J.,
Benzacar, N. & Modica, C., 2015).
The EMCDDA reports note that there is no
common definition of drug-related public harm
either. In cases when it comes to real deviant
behavior, in practice it is not considered as such, i.e.
is not recognized as deviant. If the behavior is defined
as deviant, then it is recognized as a consequence of
the application of “highly codified and highly
institutionalized rules of law”. Moreover, the fact that
behavior is recognized as deviant is more often seen
as elements of bias (Pauwels, L.; Vander Laenen, F.,
Maes, E., Mine, B., De Kock, 2018). In general, value
judgments prevail about the drug user behavior as
undesirable behavior, or as unpleasant, or as
annoying, etc. More often the wording is less definite
and non-binding - “problem behavior under the
influence of a substance”. According to some
European EMCDDA studies, such judgments are the
result of a lack of a cognitive, conceptual vision of the
real threat from drug addiction to society. In this
context, the EMCDDA (2005) report on public drug-
related harm notes that Belgium is one of the few
countries that, along with Ireland, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands and the United Kingdom, has identified
this type of harm as a key target of government drug
policy. Finally, the report concludes that there are no
reliable criteria for assessing drug harm indicators in
European countries, which significantly complicates
the objective measurement of this phenomenon
(Ibid.).
In the context of uncertainty in the criteria for
assessing drug harm, options are proposed for
following the drug harm reduction strategy. For this,
the authors of the SCOPREV project believe, it is
necessary to change mental ideas and attitudes. It is
necessary to abandon the traditional charitable
psychology of helping, which is akin to a handout, to
move on to recognizing a person as a subject of law.
Provide him with access to basic rights, namely,
compulsory minimum income, health insurance, the
right to housing, to fight eviction or over-
indebtedness, protection from violence, caring for
isolated foreign minors (Collett Dukech, Frédéric
Penot, 2015). A naturalistic approach to risk-based
prevention is proposed by researcher D.P. Farrington
(Farrington D.P., 2009). The identified risk factors
are neutralized by a directed strengthening of their
counteraction (Ibid.), including specific prevention of
risk factors for penitentiary crime (Krotova D.N.,
Debolsky M.G., 2013). It is true that prevention has a
rather polysemantic interpretation. There is a very
wide range of preventive impact on the offender, both
potential and actual - from the prevention of drug
addiction among adolescents to the preventive impact
on the penitentiary offender (Bykov A.V., Zenin S.S.,
Kudryashov O.V., 2017; Vasilyeva KK, Ovchinnikov
SN, 2018; Vasilyeva KK, Ochirov OR, 2017).
“Social prevention of drug-related crimes and
offenses” The main goal of the project “Social
prevention of drug-related crime and offenses”
(hereinafter - Social prevention) was to find
promising practices for social prevention of drug-
related crime in Brussels, Flanders and Wallonia
(Strebelle C., 2002; Prevention of drug-related crime
report, June, 2015).
A group of researchers (Cauchy D., Madriaza, P.,
Monnier, C., Martel-Perron, R., Robert-Colomby, J.,
Benzacar, N. & Modica, C., 2015) proposed a
typology of drug use prevention: primary, secondary
and tertiary. Primary prevention contains programs to
educate and alert the general public, including young
people, about domestic or school violence. Such
programs are aimed at those who have never been
abused or involved in the criminal justice system.
Secondary prevention focuses on those who are at
potential risk of becoming involved in criminal
activities. It contains programs agreed and tested by
social services, the education system or the justice
system. Tertiary prevention includes programs for
those registered with the criminal justice system to
prevent reoffending.
We asked the question: how is the social nature of
drug crime prevention understood in Western
Europe? Since drugs were originally an attempt to
solve some obsessive urgent problem even before
they became the problem itself, it is necessary to find
approaches to the problems of drug addiction and take
into account the various vicissitudes of life leading to
this addiction. The strategy should take into account
what type of consumption the given addiction belongs
to - whether it is entertaining or problematic. It is