Building a Relationship between Domestic Workers and Their
Service Users Through Community-Based Monitor Model (PBK)
Tri Joko Sri Haryono
Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Airlangga University, Surabaya, Indonesia
Keywords: Domestic Workers, Service Users, Community-Based Monitoring Agency.
Abstract: The existence of domestic workers (PRTs) is still considered as an important part in everyday life of a
household; therefore, the demand for domestic workers remain high. IPECs ILO data shows that currently
there are 2.6 million domestic workers in Indonesia of which 90% are female. The problems are often
related to the relationship between service users and workers, such as wages, working hours, work load, job
type, leave and holiday rights, and so on. In the absence of a clear preliminary agreements in working
relationships between service users (employers) and workers, conflicts often arise. The paper reviews how
the existence of a community-based monitoring agency (PBK) creates a model to build a relationship
between domestic workers and service users. Data obtained through a research activity conducted in
Malang, East Java. Data collection was conducted qualitatively through observation, interviews with several
informants, and Focus Group Discussion (FGD). This research further shows that the existence of
Community-Based Monitoring Institution protects and accommodates the interests of both parties,
especially regarding their rights and obligations. PBK can also act as a mediator if a problem arises between
service users and domestic workers. Thus, with the Community-Based Monitoring model, provision of a
decent work for domestic workers can be fulfilled.
1 INTRODUCTION
The service of domestic workers (hereafter,
PRTs) today is needed as a result of an increasingly
complex life due to each family member’s external
activities which causes unprocessed system in the
household. Household conditions in which spouses
are working resulted in an urgent need to involve
outsiders in their household affairs. The outsiders
with whom they share the burden of a household are
known as PRT. PRT is considered very important in
performing reproductive roles, so the husband and
wife can work smoothly without being bothered by
the household affairs and be productive in their
respective jobs (Andri, 2005). Currently, there are
no official data about PRTs, but ILO-IPEC data
showed that in 2004 there were approximately 2.6
million people who worked as PRT in Indonesia and
90 per cent of them were female domestic workers
(ILO-IPEC, 2004). In 2009, ILO estimated that more
than 60 per cent of PRTs worldwide are located in
Asia, encompassing Indonesia, the Philippines, Sri
Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal, and Vietnam.
ILO estimated that at the same year, the number of
PRT around the world was as many as 50 million
people and approximately 3 to 4 million PRT work
in Indonesia (ILO-IPEC, 2004).
PRTs as a job have existed since long ago, with a
variety of designations and shifts in their roles and
relationships from time to time. Starting from being
called babu, batur, emban, abdi, rewang, jongos,
ngenger, bedinde, pramuwisma, pembantu until the
term of ‘domestic workers (PRT)’ is used. Each title
has a history, a role, and a separate relationship that
is currently still perpetuated by the system of feudal
culture and capitalism. Essentially, PRT is employed
to assist some household chores or, in other words,
to reduce the work in a household. PRT usually
begins to be employed when the need to bring up a
child arises within a family. A housekeeper’s job is
to assist household chores, such as washing,
cleaning, cooking and, so on. This position is
essentially made to help someone doing housework.
Nevertheless, the works undertaken by PRTs are
largely ignored or even underestimated, because it is
done within a household and considered an informal
job; thus, there is no legislation for that.
Consequently, this particular employment is often
Haryono, T.
Building a Relationship between Domestic Workers and Their Service Users Through Community-Based Monitor Model (PBK).
In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education (ICSE 2017) - Volume 2, pages 381-385
ISBN: 978-989-758-316-2
Copyright © 2018 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
381

overlooked and causes some implications to the
workers. As seen from the report of the Ministry of
Women Empowerment and Child Protection which
describes the current condition of PRTs in
Indonesia, most of them are women, barely adult, in
bad condition, indefinitely, and prone to violence
and servitude (domestic slavery) (Venny, 2005).
Therefore, this work is categorized as a job which
desperately needs legal and social protection, as the
workers are extremely vulnerable to harassment and
exploitation. Domestic worker distributors
themselves cause some dilemmas, given that PRTs
are more likely to be seen as a commodity. As a
private party that sells services, PRT dealers
definitely prioritize the interests of users as their
source of income. It further puts PRTs in a weak
bargaining position.
PRT is a social product which was born amidst
poverty and low educational level. But this
profession has been considered vital in helping
employers to do house chores or help nurture
employers’ children. Sometimes, few of them helps
in education and teaching values so that the children
grow healthily with good attitude and decent
personality. Moreover, PRT also becomes a blessing
for employers so that they can carry out their
professions as employees, such as civil servants,
state officials, corporate leaders, and so on.
Furthermore, in many cases, the success achieved by
working women is strongly influenced by the
presence of PRT in their families. However, to raise
their bargaining position, PRT applicants should be
equipped with some skills directly related to his
duties to serve the employers in order to be able to
compete in job competition.
In Indonesia, recruitment of PRTs mostly occurs
through friends and family. This is usually preferred,
because it offers greater possibilities to find a good
employer and avoid potential troubles. Other
recruitment channels include informal brokers or
formal (agencies). Through agents, PRT grows more
vulnerable as they must face a rather high risk. For
instance, a friend who offers them the job sometimes
do not hesitate to ask for a compensation. Moreover,
using brokers might expose them to more danger,
because brokers potentially perform various forms
of violence physically, psychologically, and
economically. Some cases prove that the brokers
sometimes asked for commissions worth several
months of PRT’s salary. There are also cases where
brokers threaten or even abuse PRTs if they ask
some forthright questions. The worst case is the
brokers who tempted to commit various forms of
sexual harassment (Muryanti, 2005).
Violations experienced by PRTs comprise of
their rights as workers and as women. They
generally should work in long hours with massive
work load. Long working hours without any break
easily exhaust them and further affect their mental
and physical health. This problem is exacerbated
when domestic workers are not getting proper and
nutritious meals, no access to good and cheap health
care, and not given a proper place to rest. Another
case is related to late wage payment or a unilateral
reduction when they make mistakes.
Conversely, issues that harm the employers
occasionally arise from the behavior of PRTs or its
service providers (brokers). Many cases proved how
employers are being deceived by PRTs in cases of
burglary or robbery. Another case that often arises
and elicit complaints from the employers is PRTs
who only worked briefly (a week or two) and
resigned. These kind of problems occur because of
several factors. For instance, the absence of written
contracts, illegal practices by employers and
recruitment agencies, unhelpful government
policies, and lack of legislation that provides
adequate protection.
Based on the above background, this paper aims
to highlight the conditions of PRTs and its
relationship with the users. Moreover, it also
illustrates how the existence of community-based
monitoring (PBB) as a model help building
relationships between PRTs and its users. The data
was obtained through research activities in Malang,
East Java. Data collection was conducted
qualitatively through observation, interviews with
several informants, and Focus Group Discussion
activities (FGD).
2 METHODS
Data obtained through a research activity conducted
in Malang, East Java. Data collection was conducted
qualitatively through observation, interviews with
several informants, and Focus Group Discussion
(FGD). This research further shows that the
existence of Community-Based Monitoring
Institution protects and accommodates the interests
of both parties, especially regarding their rights and
obligations.
ICSE 2017 - 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education
382

3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Based on the data from the field, there are two
categories of PRT. First, lived-in PRT who works
and lives in the employer's homes. For this category,
PRTs generally work from dawn to dusk, even
through the night. Their working hours are rather
long, averaging over 12 hours per day. In addition,
they usually have no day off in the sense that they
work every day during their stay at the employer's
houses. They will not be able to work when they
return home, with an indefinite allocation of time,
depending on many factors. In terms of wages
received, they averagely 1.2 million rupiah to 1.8
million per month. Second category belongs to non-
lived-in PRT. This category works for employers
without living with them. PRTs usually live in their
respective houses which are usually not far from the
employer's. Every day (usually early morning) they
come to the employer's houses to do the housework
and leave after the working hours are over. Depends
on the agreement of both parties, PRTs belong to
this category averagely works for 4 to 6 hours per
day. In terms of wages, generally they receive a
daily wage, which is an average of IDR 40 thousand
to IDR 60 thousand per day.
However, they typically work 3 to 6 days a
week, so they can have a holiday on Sundays. Some
of them can even work for two or three or even four
employers at the same time, in which they work for
each employee once or twice a week. For example,
there is a PRT called Mrs. Nuri. After getting laid
off of a factory, she began working as PRT and has
been in the job for 4 years. She works for three
employers with varying working hours, working
from 10:30 am to 3:00 pm and paid forty thousand
rupiah per day. She also works from 07.30 to 15.00
and earns fifty thousand rupiah per day. Her typical
works are wiping some windows, mopping some
floors, sweeping the floors (inside the house and the
yard), cleaning bathrooms, washing and ironing
clothes, cooking, and washing dishes.
Several other issues related to the findings in the
field data on PRT in Malang are:
 Day off. Many PRTs complained about the
weekly allowance which is directly related to
their wages. Users only provided weekends
and national holidays. However, PRTs think
that they should have been allowed to take a
paid holiday during national holidays.
Unfortunately, their employers do not count
their wages during it. Therefore, most PRTs in
Malang need some additional wages during
holidays.
 Leave. PRTs have 2 kinds of leave, absence
and sick leave. The difference between the
two lies in their wages as well. If the PRTs
take a leave, they may not receive their daily
wages. On the contrary, if they take their sick
leave, the employers will pay them their daily
wage to be used for medical treatment.
However, some different cases were
experienced by them. For instance, Mrs.
Nuriati retold her experience for taking her
sick leave. Her employer was willing to
reimburse her medical expenses, however they
have not kept their promise yet.
 Working hours. Most PRTs have problems
with working hours, especially for them who
worked with more than one employer. The
difference in working hours perceived by a
PRT and another is definitely different. It may
cause problems especially for those with equal
pay. Basically, their average working hours
are ranging 07:00 to 17:00 pm, a 10-hours
work. It is a contrary to their expectations to
work 8 hours as mentioned in the Employment
Legislation.
 Type of work. The findings showed that there
are still many PRTs doing varative work and
almost all household chores, such as cleaning
the house, cooking, taking care of children,
making breakfast, and so forth. It is because
the relationship between PRTs and their
employers are especially unique, complex, and
informal.
The relationship between PRTs and their
employers is more inexplicable than the relationship
between labors and employers in industrial relations
or other formal jobs, because PRTs and their
employers tend to have a unique, complex, and
informal relationship. Moreover, it is largely
conditioned in a familial relation, which may
obscure legal relationships between them. As a
result, the work load and rights of PRTs become
obfuscated, as they frequently have unlimited
working hours, unstandardized salaries, and without
health insurance. Furthermore, they work and live
hidden from the public view, because most of them
live in their employers’ houses. There is no clear
boundary between personal life and work and it
further complicates PRT as a profession, because it
demands time, attention, energy, and various skills.
A domestic worker is someone who performs
domestic duties within a household. On average,
they work without any written agreement or
employment contract which contains the rights and
obligations of each party. In addition, as they work
Building a Relationship between Domestic Workers and Their Service Users Through Community-Based Monitor Model (PBK)
383

in a private household where the rules are varied, so
PRTs must be able to follow the household’s rules.
In fact, it is not only about rules. In a large
household, PRTs are faced with several different
employers with their respective characters, such as
father, mother, and the children.
Community-Based Monitoring (Pemantauan
Berbasis Komunitas or PBK, hereafter) is a model
built and developed by the Institute for Community
Development and Development (LPKP) in Malang,
East Java. The PBK model intends to monitor the
presence of PRTs in their environment, including
their relationships with their employers. It also aims
to provide PRTs empowerment and a decent work
approach for the employers with regards to their
treatments to their PRTs. PBK Model is actually just
one of several approaches and strategies undertaken
by LPKP, whose scope of activity is to promote a
decent work for PRTs and the elimination of child
domestic labors. It also promotes the recognition and
fulfilment of PRTs as workers to the community and
other stakeholders. The approaches or strategies
undertaken by LPKP are: (1) reaching and
organizing PRTs; (2) increasing their knowledge and
skills through training or education sessions; (3)
promoting decent work for PRTs through social
media, religious leaders, and government; (4)
conducting a community-based monitoring of PRTs
by involving neighborhood association (hereafter,
RT), community association (hereafter, RW), and
family welfare program (hereafter, PKK) in the
monitored area; and (5) developing networks with
unions and hotline services.
PBK formation is especially intended to help
oversee the presence of domestic workers in their
environment and encourage to strengthen PRTs’
positions as workers. Further, it also intends to
provide an understanding to the employers about the
rights and obligations of both parties. Thus, it is
expected that more service users can accept and
realize the existence of PRT with all conditions and
abilities. The PBK model is assumed to be more
readily accepted by service users, as the PBK board
consists of local community members led by the
head of neighborhood association and involves PKK
members.
PBK was established in early 2016. When it was
formed, as many as four PBK, PRT, and PRTA were
located in the area estimated to employ many PRTs
and spread across several districts in Malang. The
four PBK are dispersed in these areas: (1) Perum
Bumi Mondoroko Raya (BMR) RW 14, Banjararum
Village, Singosari District; (2) Perum Pondok
Blimbing Indah (PBI) RW 5, Polowijen Urban
Village and Purwodadi Village in Blimbing Sub-
District; and (3) Perum Griya Shanta RW 12,
Mojolangu Urban Village, Lowokwaru Sub-District.
The base of PBK is RW which means that PBK
model covers an area of one RW. One RW covers
several RTs. For example, PBK in Perum Pondok
Blimbing Indah (PBI) in RW 5 includes 11 RTs.
Each RT is formed by a team led by the head of the
RT and the head of the PKK.
The activity of PBK is initiated by collecting
data on the identity of domestic workers and service
users in monitoring coverage areas in the RW.
According to one of the PBK coordinators,
collectiong data is not easy, because some service
users view PBK model negatively and suspiciously.
Therefore, PBK begins its activities with
socialization and data collection which involves in
various local apparatus, from RT to PKK.
Socialization intends to provide an understanding of
the benefits for the service users, particularly with
regards to some cases adversely affecting them (i.e.
fraud, robbery, etc). After a while, more and more
service users are willing to participate in data
collection, even though there are still reluctant users
who reasoned that using PRT is their family’s
personal right and cannot be interfered by anyone
and there is no formal regulation about it yet.
After data collection is completed, monitoring
process is done periodically. Monitoring Team
meets regularly to deliver the results. The findings
indicate that, up to data collection time, there is no
important and crucial issue found with regards to the
relationship between domestic workers and service
users. On the contrary, it successfully strengthens
the awareness of PRTs and their employers about
their respective rights and obligations. In addition,
PBK model can be used to continuously promote
and advocate decent work for PRTs.
Meanwhile, some other significant changes occur
due to PBK are listed as follows: (1) promotional
activities to provide a decent work for PRTs are
made known to public, especially for PRTs
themselves and their users; (2) the head of the RTs
are greatly assisted by data of PRTs in their regions,
the awareness of PRT and community to report the
presence of PRTs to the RTs, and the monitoring
team concerns about the condition and presence of
PRT; (3) there is a progress in sharing experiences
and strong bonds among PRTs, emerging awareness
for the group to conduct regular social gathering
(arisan), and increasing bargaining positions of
PRTs after they join the organization; (4) domestic
workers gain new knowledge and experiences to
support their works.
ICSE 2017 - 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education
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4 CONCLUSIONS
PRT is a social product, it is born amid poverty with
low level of education and skill. Nevertheless, they
have been instrumental in helping employers do
household chores. The existence of today's PRT is
increasingly needed as a result of the increasingly
complex life forms. In general, there are many
violations experienced by domestic workers,
including about their rights as workers and their
rights as women. Domestic workers generally work
too long in a day with workloads that often go
beyond human boundaries. Long working hours
without breaks make domestic workers constantly
exhausted and affect their mental and physical
health. This problem is exacerbated when domestic
workers are not getting proper and nutritious food,
have no access to good and cheap health care, and
are not given a proper place to rest. Another case is
the late paying of salaries paid or not paid at all
when domestic workers make mistakes. Conversely,
issues that harm the employer also occasionally arise
as a result of the behavior of domestic workers or
service providers acting as brokers or domestic
workers. Many cases show employers being
deceived by domestic workers, such as cases of
burglary or robbery involving domestic workers
with their conspirators. Another case that often
arises and becomes an employer complaint is the
presence of domestic workers who just work a week
or two and then ask out or taken by the agent of the
PRT provider who brought it.
PBK is a model developed by LPKP in East Java
which intends to monitor and supervise PRTs in
their respective surroundings, particularly with
regards to their relationship with their employers. It
intends to empower them and provide them a decent
work by communicating a better way to treat them to
their employers. The establishment of PBK model is
merely one of several approaches and strategies
undertaken by LPKP whose scope of programs aim
to promote a decent work for PRTs and eliminate
child domestic labors. Therefore, it is expected that
the rights and obligations of both PRTs and
employers will be clearer, more measureable, and
well-monitored, so that their relationship can be
better and more harmonious.
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Fenomena Pekerja Anak yang Terselubung dan
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ILO-IPEC, 2004. Bunga-bunga di Atas Padas: Fenomena
Pekerja Rumah Tangga Anak di Indonesia, kantor
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Muryanti, 2005. Upaya Perlindungan PRT. Jurnal
Perempuan No. 39: Pekerja Rumah Tangga. Jakarta:
Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan.
Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 13 tahun
2003 tentang Ketenagakerjaan, Lembaran Negara
Republik Indonesia tahun 2003 nomor 39.
Venny, A., 2005. Pekerja Domestik dari Masa ke Masa.
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