such as Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand, but also in the
United States (600,000) France (10,000), and to a
lesser extent in Canada, Australia, Senegal, and Cote
d'Ivoire.
In this paper, we mainly discuss kinship terms, as
they are classified using differences in genealogical
referents of kin terms. Kinship terms in different
speech communities are worth study. They are likely
to be different because different languages have
different linguistic resources to express what is
culturally permissible and meaningful. Kinship
systems convey important social information, but the
problem of the cultural meanings and correct
translations of kinship terminology has proved to be
intractable. To a great extent, this is because kinship
terms represent the competing realms of social and
genetic relatedness; thus, it cannot be assumed that
two or more persons for whom ego uses a single term
are socially indistinguishable. One method used by
anthropologists to avoid bias is the development of a
precise descriptive language. For example, when a
father and his brother are referred to by the same term
within a kinship system, the anthropologist may
express the position of father’s brother as “a male
agnatic relative of the ascending generation.”
Though many investigations have been conducted
to study kinship terms in different languages, South
East Asian languages has received tertiary attention
for rigorous studies. As a result, the present study is
an attempt to investigate the choice of address terms
by Thai, Indonesian and Vietnamese speakers.
General aim of the present research is to study and
analyse Kinship terms in the 3 ASEAN countries. To
be more specific, this study aims to answer the
following questions: 1. What are the different in the
terms used in the kinship terms of the 3 languages? 2.
How these terms reflect social values of the people in
the 3 countries.
2 METHODOLOGY
What to be done in this research were comparing the
addressing terms specifically Kinship terms, in Thai,
Vietnamese and Indonesian, hence we can describe
the “phenomena” of differences between the three
languages. The data of kinship terms words were
obtained from a native speaker of each language. I
then tried to compare each terms used in the 3 main
areas of kinship terms namely main family kinship
terms, extended family kinship terms, marital
relations or in law kinship terms. By using descriptive
qualitative method, the phenomena of differences
between kinship terms among the languages is later
to be explained.
3 BASIC CONCEPT OF
ADDRESSING TERMS AND
KINSHIP TERMS
The concept of address terms has long been an issue
of interest in linguistic studies, especially in
sociolinguistics. Many linguists have provided the
terminology and definitions to decipher phenomena
involved in addressing or naming other persons. To
Afful (Afful, 2006), addressing terms refer to the
linguistic expression by which a speaker designates
an addressee in a face-to-face encounter. Dicey’s
(Dicey, 1996) defines addressing terms as a speaker’s
linguistic reference to his/her interlocutor(s) is clearly
a very broad one so he made further divisions. He
gives an obvious linguistic classification of
addressing terms by their parts of speech, into nouns,
pronouns, and verbs which are further classified in to
‘bound’ and ‘free’ forms. Bound morphemes are
those integrated into the syntax of a sentence and free
forms are those not integrated in this way.
Proper use of address terms allows people to
identify themselves as part of a social group while an
inappropriate choice of address ceases good
interaction. They function as an indicator of
interlocutors’ social status as well as their social
distance, showing their emotions to the other side and
a means of saving one's face (Akindele, 2008). Apart
from the linguistic definition of addressing terms, it is
just as important to elucidate on the social function
and meaning of addressing terms. As Murphy
(Murphy, 1988) has elegantly put it, addressing terms
are socially driven phenomena.
Studies of addressing terms generally focus on
eliciting and comparing the systems of classification
or taxonomies of address systems in each language.
They also attempt to relate address terms to the socio-
cultural context or situations in which address terms
may occur. In other words, the study of addressing
terms is based on the sociolinguistic perspective
“addressing behaviour”. The main idea of this view is
that the way in which an addresser correctly uses and
selects address variants suitable for the addressee in a
given context, and variations in forms and uses of
address terms, reflects the relationship between the
addresser and the addressee, depending on the
differences in age, sex and social status.
Previous research carried out by linguists supports
the idea that addressing behaviour is normally