Vladimir Putin’s Leadership Trait Analysis in Russia’s Responses

towards China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative

Bara Bhiswara

Universitas Airlangga

Keywords: OBOR, EEU, Vladmir Putin, Foreign Policy, Leadership Characterictic

Abstract: The One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative initiated by Xi Jinping in 2013 is not only interesting because of

its great vision, but also because of the international responses towards it. Russia, as a country that has traces

of fluctuating relations with China and then shows a positive response on the initiative. Russia’s response

then mainly associated with the interests of Russia in the 20th century to reappear as a great country. The

Chinese idea was answered with an ambitious notion: the integration of the OBOR framework with the

Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) framework. The characteristic of the case makes the Russian leader,

Vladimir Putin, the focus of the individual who is important to be analyzed in both the cognitive and

psychological aspects, in which Putin is the central actor of the formulation of Russia’s foreign policy. The

data sources from this research are Putin's prepared statements from press, conferences, and international

events, and Putin’s spontaneous comments in interviews with Putin on television, press, to direct lines.

Through Leadership Traits Analysis method, this article analyzes Putin’s leadership characteristics through

seven main components: individual beliefs in controlling the situation, the need for power and influence,

conceptual complexity, self-confidence, task orientation versus interpersonal, suspicion or individual distrust

of the other party's motives, and the bias level in the group. From the research that has been done, found that

in this case, Putin classified as a reactive leader, where he focuses on assessing the possibilities of what is in

a situation and what factors can make that possibility possible, and accommodative leader, where he focuses

on reconciling differences and consensus building, empowering others, and sharing accountability in the

process.

1 INTRODUCTION

“The state has to be strong, but it has become weak”

(Putin, 2000).The above statement declared by

Vladmir Putin when he occupied the presidential

bench in 2000. Russia's foreign policy has been

driven by the orientation to be recognized as great

power. As is known, the condition of Russian

geography does not provide a form of natural fortress.

As a result, to ensure the safety of the state while

protecting its national interests, Russia needs a strong

hard drive. Consequently, the regime of the Russian

government is personalistic and its institutional

strength weakens, in which political power is

centralized to one individual (Kotkin, 2016).

Guaranteed by Articles 80 and 85 in the Constitution

of the Russian Federation, the centrality of authority

can be seen from the design of government under

Romanov, Lenin, Stalin, to Putin. Putin himself is

committed to ending the chaos and corruption that

rife in Yeltsin era while restoring Russia's position as

great power (Hutcherson and Petersson, 2016). This

led to a contract with the public, that the absolute

authority of the president must be paid with security

for the security and welfare of Russian society

(Braithwaite in Baldoni, 2016).

The initiative of One Belt One Road (OBOR)

initiated by the President of China in boosting

connectivity and cooperation between Eurasian

countries, especially China, the state Silk Road

Economic Belt (SREB) and the Maritime Silk Road

(MSR) state then raises the opportunity to Putin

utilize the project to fulfill its commitment. Russia

itself has a Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) project,

which is the economic union of countries dominated

by Northern Eurasia, Russia, Armenia, Belarus,

Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Cooperation between

China and Russia has been dominated by energy

aspect. Both Russia and China have a great influence

in Central Asia. The presence of OBOR especially

SREB brings the idea to integrate it with EEU project.

Russia's positive response was shown through Putin's

Bhiswara, B.

Vladimir Putin’s Leadership Trait Analysis in Russia’s Responses towards China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative.

DOI: 10.5220/0010274400002309

In Proceedings of Airlangga Conference on International Relations (ACIR 2018) - Politics, Economy, and Security in Changing Indo-Paciﬁc Region, pages 143-150

ISBN: 978-989-758-493-0

143

visits to China, his speech at the OBOR forum, as

well as in interviews he conducted with the media.

The centralistic nature of Russia's foreign policy

makes analysis of Putin's leadership characteristics

important. This paper will review what leadership

characteristics Putin has shown in its responses to the

OBOR initiative.

2 INDIVIDUAL LEVEL OF

ANALYSIS: LEADERSHIP

TRAIT ANALYSIS

An important point of approach in the level of

individual analysis lies in the fact that foreign policy

is not always taken in vacuum conditions, and always

involves the psychological and emotional influences

of individuals in the policy-making process. The

psychological aspect, according to Herman (1980)

comes from social and environmental factors.

Nevertheless, one of the main criticisms came from

Simon (1957 in Baldoni, 2016) that basically not all

individual policy-makers are rational. More

precisely, their rationality is bounded in the sense that

there is a tendency for individuals to simplify the

choices made due to the limited information

processed, cognitive ability, and time. Greenstein

(2004) also explains that human characteristics are

strongly influenced by the existing political

environment, both at the national and international

levels. That is why Breuning (2007) says that the

significance of individuals in shaping foreign policy

patterns is not equivalent in every situation.

Breuning (2007) explains there are at least three

approaches in analyzing how the influence of

individual characters in policy making, namely

Operational Code, Presidential Character, and

Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA). In this paper, the

influence of Putin's characteristics on Russian foreign

policy analyzed by the author through the LTA

approach. There are seven indicators that need to be

analyzed: individual beliefs in controlling the

situation, the need for power and influence,

conceptual complexity, self-confidence, task

orientation versus interpersonal, suspicion or

individual distrust of the other party's motives, and

lastly the bias level in the group (Breuning , 2007). Of

the seven indicators can then be used to draw

understanding of individual characters more macro,

such as motivation in overcoming problems and in

relational activities (Breuning, 2007). The LTA

method is chosen because the author assess this

approach can draw a comprehensive understanding of

the different types of leadership traits in various

aspects of Putin's influence in policy-making or in

acting on behalf of Russia.

In understanding Putin's character in these

aspects, the author analyzes two types of data sources,

namely prepared statements and spontaneous

comments. The first type of data the author gets

through Putin's official statement in other press,

conferences and international meetings. Types of data

sources of both author get from interviews to Putin by

television, press, until the direct line. The difference

between spontaneous and prepared statements is

significant. Prepared statements are valid for analysis

in assessing cognitive characteristics when policy-

making is involved in making such questions.

Hermann (2002) also revealed that spontaneous

commentary, which emerged from interviews and

abrupt questions, showed more valid results due to

less control and less constraint. But in the case of the

author, Putin is certainly not only involved, but may

be a responsible actor full reply to each question, due

to the centrality of authority possessed in Russia's

foreign policy making. That is why the author

collaborates both data derived from prepared

statements and spontaneous statements in future

analysis.

3 ANALYSIS

3.1 Belief in Controlling Situation

This character reviews how policy makers perceive

their control over the situation. Putin has an

expectation that participating countries can uphold

the values of equality, openness, and consideration of

their respective national interests and each other. That

is, Putin understands exactly which program can

provide benefits for Russia, as Putin said in a working

visit in China on May 15, 2017

“Russia is not the country to fear anything. And there

is no danger at all of China’s actions being aimed

at someday swallowing others.” (Putin, 2017)

“We agree only to those proposals that benefit us,

and if something benefits us and our economy, what

is there to fear? It would be a shame not to make use

of the opportunities this cooperation creates.” (Putin,

2017).

Implicitly the statement above shows that Putin

understands the possibility of a swallowing motif

from China behind the OBOR initiative. But the

assertion that Russia is not afraid and there is nothing

to fear suggests that Putin believes it can control the

direction of OBOR's development to keep it in line

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

144

with Russian interests, although it is not explicitly

explained by what.

3.2 The Need for Power and Influence

Karakteristik kedua meninjau apakah suatu

pemimpin memiliki perhatian dalam The second

characteristic examines whether a leader has an

interest in establishing, maintaining or restoring its

influence on others. Putin's need for power or

influence on others in which this case refers to Xi

Jinping is demonstrated through Putin's dialogue

efforts to collaborate on the idea of OBOR with an

EEU project based on universal values and

consideration of the developmental conditions of

each of the countries involved.

“It is important that all of the existing integration

structures in Eurasia and any initiatives be based on

universal and generally recognised foundations. They

must also take into accounts the spesifics of the

member states national development models and be

developed openly and transparently.” (Putin, 2017

dalam pertemuan meja bundar pemimpin Forum

Internasional Belt and Road tanggal 15 Mei.)

While the need for power, the author refer to the

political power is something natural for Putin,

because to be able to control the situation, Putin need

to survive a predominant leader. Putin's centrality of

authority requires a less constraint situation from

domestic. For that, Putin needs to get support from

the Russian community to stay in his regime.

“I think that people are able to see that I am working

hard, that I am striving openly, honestly

and sincerely to achieve the results the results our

country needs. I think that they are also able to see

that not all goes well. Our people are smart

and sharp-sighted.” (Putin, 2016).

In an interview from Nippon TV and the Yomiuri

Newspaper on December 23, 2016 over Putin's

expectations in the 2018 election, Putin responded

with emphasis that Putin knew what Russia needed,

and Putin worked hard for it. Putin himself confirmed

it will advance in the 2018 general election on

December 6, 2017 (Pinchuk and Osborn, 2017).

3.3 Conceptual Complexity

This character looks at the way individuals describe

or discuss a person, a place, a policy, and an idea.

Putin demonstrated consistency in describing the

initiative both in revelations prepared for high-level

meetings and in media interviews with both positive

and optimistic verbal gestures. An example is an

interview from Cai Mingzhao, Xinhua news agency,

June 23, 2016, Putin said that Xi Jinping's initiative

in the OBOR project is believed to be something

appropriate, interesting and also promising.

“....President Xi Jinping has launched an initiative

to revitalize the very idea of the Great Silk Road. We

believe it is a very timely, interesting and promising

initiative aimed at increasing cooperation with all

countries of the world, but primarily with

neighbours, because wherever the road goes, it first

runs through neighbouring territories.”(Putin, 2016).

In answering media questions at the APEC Economic

Leaders' meeting on November 21, 2016, Putin also

brought the idea of a possibility with a clear

determination and vision of its implications for the

future of APEC and Eurasia.

“...we are discussing the possibility of aligning

the EAEU and China’s Silk Road Economic Belt

initiative based on the ideas of the Chinese

leadership and President Xi Jinping. This could be

the first step”(Putin, 2016).

“A second step could be the development

of cooperation within the Shanghai Cooperation

Organisation and other Asian associations. By acting

in this manner, we can create a broad Eurasian

cooperation association.” (Putin, 2016).

“If we opt for this path, our organisation will be

comparable to what is being created within

the framework or in the zone of Pacific partnership.”

(Putin, 2016).

“However, I believe that if we want to effectively

influence global economic processes there should be

no closed associations. If such associations are

created, they will not boost the development

of international trade or the global economy

as a whole.”

Putin's low complexity gap and deterministic

expectations have been basically built by Putin since

the first meeting of the Supreme Economic Citi-

lanisation Council (SEEC) on May 8, 2015 since the

EEU began, saying that the integration arrangements

between the Eurasian economy and OBOR are

important to conserve. The co-operation between

China and EEU for Putin will increase investment

flows, create jobs, and make Eurasian transportation

more effective.

“...I think that in the future, we should also consider

the possibility of a harmonious alignment

of the Eurasian economic integration process and,

as I already said, the Chinese Silk Road Economic

Belt initiative.”(Putin, 2015).

“I am sure that close cooperation with Chinese

partners will facilitate the flow of investments into

Eurasian Economic Union, help create new jobs,

Vladimir Putin’s Leadership Trait Analysis in Russia’s Responses towards China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative

145

and allow us to develop the Eurasian transport

potential more effectively.” (Putin, 2015).

“I am confident that these large-scale projects will

result in intensive trade, modern production and jobs

and the rapid development of Russian and Chinese

regions.”(Putin, 2017).

“I have already mentioned Russia’s proposal

to create an Asian Energy Ring. What could be bad

about China, South Korea, by the way, and Japan all

working together on a single major project? There is

no doubt that this would benefit all these countries

from both an economic and a political point of view.”

(Putin, 2017).

In a journalist's direct line on July 15, 2017, Putin

again emphasized his expectation that OBOR will not

stop at the koporasi level within Eurasia, but also

integrate it with the EEU framework.

“....I expect it to usher in a new stage of cooperation

in Eurasia, and not only there. The main thing for us

to do is to join our efforts within the framework of the

Eurasian Economic Union and China’s Silk Road

initiative. Can this be done or not? I am confident it

can...”. (Putin, 2017)

“Greater Eurasia is not an abstract geopolitical

arrangement, but, without exaggeration, a truly

civilization-wide project looking toward the

future." (Putin, 2017 in International Belt and Road

Forum, 14 May).

Putin's article entitled "The 25th APEC Economic

Leaders' Meeting in Danang: The Together Towards

Prosperity and Harmonious Development on

November 8, 2018 above then confirms the

importance of OBOR and EEU collaboration through

the Greater Eurasian Partnership idea. GEP integrates

the development of infrastructure, including

transport, telecommunications, and energy. Russia

considers that the future of Eurasian cooperation is

not just limited to the relationship between the state

and the economy, but also on the political aspects,

including peace, stability, and well-being of Eurasia.

3.4 Self Confidence

This character looks at the self-importance of an

individual in a situation. China itself is an economic

giant that shows an ambitious vision through OBOR.

In a question posed by journalists to Putin in Putin's

working visit in China on May 15, 2017 concerning

whether or not there was any concern about Russia's

domination of China, Putin said Russia was not at all

worried about the possibility of Chinese domination.

During this time, Putin said that the relations between

China and Russia were built by the considers of their

respective national interests.

“Russia is not the country to fear anything. And there

is no danger at all of China’s actions being aimed

at someday swallowing others.”

“We agree only to those proposals that benefit us,

and if something benefits us and our economy, what

is there to fear? It would be a shame not to make use

of the opportunities this cooperation creates.”(Putin,

2017).

Departing from these beliefs, Putin believes that

OBOR will bring benefits to both Russia and China.

The act of not taking a chance, even with full

understanding of the possible negative possibilities, is

considered a shame. Assessment of Putin's

confidence in its policy towards OBOR can also be

reviewed in the statement summarized in conceptual

complexity, where the delivery of a statement uses

words like i believe, no doubt, what could be bad, and

i am confident. The author did not find any sentence

like might, maybe, hope. probably, and the like. This

demonstrates Putin's high level of confidence in his

judgment behind OBOR's foreign policy process.

3.5 Task Orientation vs Interpersonal

This characteristic focuses the individual's focus on

the policy in comparison to the individual's focus on

interpersonal relationships in cooperation. In short,

leaders with task characteristics indicate the leader's

focus in policy-oriented achievement of specific

objectives. While the pemimipin with interpersonal

orientation focuses on achieving satisfaction from

team members.

“Establishing closer ties with the People’s Republic

of China, our trusted friends, is Russia’s

unconditional foreign policy priority” (Putin, 2014

dalam wawancara dengan Media Tiongkok tanggal

19 Mei.)

“It is important that all of the existing integration

structures in Eurasia and any initiatives be based on

universal and generally recognised foundations. They

must also take into accountsthe spesifics of the

member states national development models and be

developed openly and transparently.” (Putin, 2017 in

leaders roundtable meeting of International Belt and

Road Forum, 15 May.)

“For Russia, the development of our Far East is a

national priority for the 21st century.” (Putin, 2017

in his article “25th APEC Economic Leaders

“Together Towards Prosperity and Harmonius

Development”).

Basically, the OBOR project itself has several

constraints, one of which is the uncertainty in the

investment and the required material. In Putin's

working visit in China on May 15, 2017, Putin

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

146

stressed that the collaboration between Russia and

China would not only benefit the two countries, but

also implicate global competition.

”... I do not have any doubt that we will work together

and that this work will yield benefits for both the

Chinese and Russian peoples. But not just us two, it

will also impact global competitiveness.” (Putin,

2017).

“The initiative of the Chinese leader deserves

the closest attention and will be supported by Russia

in every possible way.” (Putin, 2017 in press

statetement regarding Russia-China dialogue, 4 July).

In Russian responses to OBOR above, it is

understood that Putin demonstrates an interpersonal

orientation, with bilateral and Chinese bilateral well-

being emphases, the development of Asia and

Eurasia, and the importance of inter-state

collaboration to succeed OBOR's initiative by

prioritizing the aspect of negotiation and diplomacy

as base relationship. In addition, there is consistency

between Putin's interpersonal orientations both in

prepared statements, personalized articles, and in

interviews with foreign media. In this case, it also

shows that Putin is a leader of respect towards

contrain, demonstrating readiness to support in any

way to China's initiative.

3.6 Level of Personal Distrust

These characters review the tendency of individuals

to suspect or doubt the motives of others. So far, the

relations between Putin and China have been built on

the value of equality, trust, openness, and

consideration of their respective national interests as

well as each other. The author did not find any idea

from Putin that portrayed any doubt about Chinese

motives and initiatives, either explicitly or implicitly.

Putin's approach is more constructive by engaging in

dialogue with Xi Jinping in developing the OBOR

project. Putin’s approach is m

In answering the question of Russia's fear of

possible Chinese ambitions to dominate, Putin also

replied that Russia is not afraid of anything, even

including the possibility of Chinese motives in

dominating other countries through OBOR. The

foundation of trust between Putin and Xi Jinping is

framed by a second agreement expressed by Xi

Jinping in conferring the Order of St. Andrew the

Apostle on 4 July 2017, namely:

“...Mr Putin and I fully agree that Chinese-Russian

relations must remain free of external influence

despite any changes on the international stage.”

This is in line with a message Putin delivered at

the St Petersburg International Economic Forum on

May 23, 2014:

“...Think about the benefits and possible dividends

you would derive from working in Russia. Don’t let

the pressure and blackmailing prevent you from

going your way, and you will succeed. And we will

help you with that.”

The above message is a form of proccess advice,

whereby an individual internalizes the value owned to

the other as a form of advice in addressing the

situation (Andersen and Handelsman, 2010). From

Putin's suggestion through the above statement it can

be understood that that's what Putin values: high

determination in achieving a goal without being

affected by outside pressure or intimidation from

blackmail. This is evidenced through Putin's

statement in an interview conducted with the TASS

news agency on September 1, 2015.

“I would not agree that the illegitimate restrictions

imposed by certain Western countries against Russia

have a negative impact on Russian-Chinese

economic cooperation. On the contrary, this

encourages our domestic business to develop stable

business ties with China.” (Putin, 2015).

Putin also showed the same attitude in the direct

line with Channel One, Rossiya 1, Rossiya 24,

Mayak, Vesti FM, and Radio Rossii on June 15, 2017.

“They (perpanjangan sangsi oleh negara Uni Eropa)

have had an impact. Has this been fundamental

in nature? I do not think so.” (Putin, 2017)

“Strange though it might sound, however, there have

been advantages too. What are they? For a start, we

were forced to concentrate our intelligence, talent

and resources on key areas and not simply rely on oil

and gas revenue. What result has this brought? We

have seen real production growth in important

and complex economic sectors.” (Putin, 2017).

Putin confidently assumes that the economic

sanctions afforded by Western and European

countries to Russia are illegitimate and will not affect

their projects or bilateral relations with China over the

OBOR project. Although there is a perceived impact,

but the restrictions are precisely Putin became an

encouragement to constantly develop business ties

with China. It also shows that Putin is a challanges to

constraint leader character, in which case the

constraint in this case refers to the external constraint.

3.7 Bias Level in Group

This character examines the significance of an

individual group in influencing the individual's

perception of the world. Trenin (2015 in Baldoni,

Vladimir Putin’s Leadership Trait Analysis in Russia’s Responses towards China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative

147

2016) explains that Putin is the only actor behind

Russia's foreign policy and security policy. Trenin

said that Putin's decisions were based on what he

believed to be Russia's national interest and that his

philosophical interpretations would be true and false.

In essence, Russia's foreign policy orientation is not

always harmonious when viewed in the inner circle

level. In the period of Medvedev's presidency where

Putin became Prime Minister, there was a

contradiction of interest. Medvedev is oriented to

using political and economic measures such as

liberalizing the political system and privatization, to

curb the power of powerholders as well as to expand

Medvedev's space to maneuver. Another implication

is that Medvedev's coalition has strengthened and

opposition coalitions such as Gazprom have

weakened (Kaczmarski, 2014).

When Putin took office in 2012, Putin reshuffled this

design and disempowered power holders such as

Kudrin, Serdyukov, Surkov, and Medvedev was no

exception. This movement then gives Putin full

authority and also negates the significance of the role

of inner circle, although the relationship between the

two is always maintained (Kaczmarski, 2014). In

Russia's response to the Chinese initiative, there is no

indication of a group bias in the president's successful

presidential documents. Kaczmarski (2014) states,

that Putin's agenda to re-establish good relations with

China post 9/11 did not experience significant

domestic opposition. In contrast, OBOR is seen as a

strategic opportunity for Russia to improve the

welfare of Eurasia.

4 ANALYSIS RESULT

Table 1 : Character Analysis of Leadership: Putin in Case

Response to OBOR.

Due to the limited amount of primary data

collected in the analysis, the author use high to low

parameters to describe the level of individual

characteristics. From the analysis that has been done,

it can be concluded that Putin has high confidence in

his ability to control the situation. This is in line with

the confidence they have, seen in the choice of words

used are dominated by verbal who have a gesture of

confidence and optimism. In the aspect of the need for

strength and influence, Putin also pointed to a high

need for strength. The strength of the author here

refers to the political authority, because as it is known

to be able to ensure control over the OBOR project

and its collaboration with the EEU, Putin needs to

return to being a predominant leader of Russia. In

conceptual complexity, Putin demonstrates a rather

good way of processing information in the presence

of elaborative and visionary schemes in the answers

and statements. Motivational orientation from Putin

is interpersonal, through which answers and

statements are given, there is much emphasis on

common interests, welfare and regional development,

and bilateral collaboration. From what was said, Putin

showed no suspicion of any other party, which in the

OBOR study refers to China in general and Xi Jinping

in particular. Due to the centrality and harmonization

of orientation between Putin and the government,

there is not a bias that significantly affects how Putin

is overseas.

Hermann (2005) explains that the leader's belief

in controlling the situation indicates that they will

tend to challenge constraints according to the

arrangements they find most appropriate. Levels of

conceptual complexity and self-confidence illustrate

how their openness to information. Assessment of the

group's bias level, distrust, and task orientation or

interpersonal leaders then concludes what motivates

leaders in policy. Departing from the approach, the

results obtained are listed in table 2 below.

Table 2 :Putin's Leadership Style is related to

Responsiveness, Disclosure to Information, and Motivation

from Hermann's (2002) model.

Attitude

towards

constrain

Belief in one’s

ability to control

events

High

Need for power

and influence

High

Openness to

new

information

Conceptual

Complexity

High

Self Confidence High

Motivation Task vs

inter

ersonal

Interpersonal

Distrust of

others

Low

Ingroup Bias Low

Responsivene

ss to

Constrains

Openness

Informati

Problem

Focus

Motivati

Relationship

Focus

Motivation

Respect to

Constraints

Open to

Informati

Reactive Accomodati

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

148

An open character to information is determined

through an assessment of the level of contextual

complexity and level of confidence (Hermann, 2002).

Departing from Putin's character who respects the

constraint and is open to information shows that Putin

is a reactive leader type that focuses on assessing the

possibilities of what is in a situation and what factors

can make that possibility possible. In OBOR, it is

proved through how Putin through the OBOR

collaboration idea with the EEU through the

integration of railway and highway. In relational

terms, Putin is an accommodative type of leader, in

the sense that Putin focuses on reconciling differences

and consensus building, empowering others, and

sharing accountability in the process. In the case of

OBOR, it is proved how Putin emphasized the use of

diplomacy in problem resolution, bilateral visits,

collective dialogue both in the OBOR and EEU

forums, as well as aspects of pragmatism that

prioritize the consideration of their respective

national interests and each other, not cultural

differences between the two.

5 CONCLUSION

It is understood that Putin in Russia's response to the

OBOR initiative shows a leadership style that can at

least be viewed in two ways: problem focus

motivation and relationship focus motivation. In the

first instance, Putin belongs to a reactive leader, while

in the second side Putin is an accommodative leader.

This conclusion appears based on an analysis of seven

leadership traits used by Hermann. As pointed out in

the introduction, the LTA approach is not intended to

predict what policies individuals will take, but what

leadership traits can be drawn from individual

cognitive and psychological expressions. From the

characteristics obtained then can help provide an

understanding of how the profile of Putin as a leader.

Understanding of leadership profiles is important to

review and test, because the deeper the scope of

individual analysis time is done, the relevance of the

profile can also be proven. Thus, departing from the

analysis that has been done then we can know when

and how far later Putin, using the term Hermann,

modulate his behavior in foreign policy related

characteristics owned leadership, or assumed against

it.

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Accessed on 13 December 2017.

“Replies to Media Questions following APEC Economic

Leaders” Available on:

http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/53284

Accessed on 13 December 2017.

“China Media Outlets to PRC, APEC Summit, 6

November 2014” Available on

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http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/intervi

ews/46972 Accessed on 13 December 2017.

“Interview with China Leading Companies, Putin’s visit to

PRC, 19 Mei 2014” Available on:

http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/intervi

ews/21031 Accessed on 13 December 2017.

Books and Journals

Anderson, S.K and Handelsman M.M. 2010. “Ethics for

Psychotherapist and Counselors: A Proactive

Approach” Malden, MA:Wiley-Blackwell

Baldoni, Giovanni. 2016. “Theoretical Analysis of Russian

Foreign Policy: Changes Under Vladmir Putin”

Available on: http://www.e-ir.info/2016/09/10/a-

theorical-analysis-of-russian-foreign-policy-changes-

under-vladimir-putin/ Accessed on 13 December 2017

Breuning, Marijke. 2007. “Foreign Policy Analysis: A

Comparative Introduction” Palgrave MacMillan: New

York.

Gerring, J. 2007. “Case Study Research: Principles and

Practices.” Cambridge University Press: New York

Greenstein, F.I. 2004. “Can Personality and Politics be

Studied Systematically?” dalam Jost, J.T “Political

Psychology”. Psychology Press: Hove

Hermann M.G. 2002. “Assessing Leadership Style: A Trait

Analysis”,dalam Post, Jthe Psychological Assessment

of Political Leaders. University of Michigan Press:

Michigan.

__________. 1980. “Explaining Foreign Policy Behavior

Using the Personal Characteristics of Political

Leaders”, International Studies Quarterly, 24(1); pp.7-

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Kaczmarski, Marcin. 2014. “Domestic Power Relations and

Russia’s Foreign Plicy” University of Warsaw:

Warsaw. Available on:

https://www2.gwu.edu/~ieresgwu/assets/docs/demokra

tizatsiya%20archive/GWASHU_DEMO_22_3/E0361

765L61G4886/E0361765L61G4886.pdf Accessed on

14 December 2017.

Kotkin, S. 2016. “Russia’s Perpetual Geopolitics: Putin

Returns to the Historical Pattern.” Available on:

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ukraine/2016-

04-18/russias-perpetual-geopolitics Accessed on 13

December 2017.

Online Article

Pinchuk, Denis and Andrew Osborn. 2017. “Russia’s Putin,

Pulling no Surprises, Says He’ll Seek Re-Election”

Available on: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-

russia-putin-election/russias-putin-pulling-no-

surprises-says-hell-seek-re-election-idUSKBN1E01Z7

Accessed on 15 December 2017.

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