Vietnamese Position Regarding China’s South China Sea Policy of
“Set Aside Dispute and Pursue Joint Development”
Windy Thi Ngoc Minh Phan
Department of Public Policy and Administration, National Chi Nan University, No.1 Daxue Road, Puli Township,
Nantou County, Taiwan (ROC)
Keywords: South China Sea, East Sea, Vietnam, Joint Development, China’s South China Sea Policy, Set aside Dispute
Abstract: The joint development model has been implemented for a long time in the world, for example, the Svalbard
Treaty of 19 December 1920. Since the treaty was born, so far, in the world, more than 100 joint
development agreements have been signed and implemented. Paragraph 3 of Article 74 of The United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 stipulate that “Pending agreement, the States concerned,
in a spirit of understanding and cooperation, shall make every effort to enter into provisional arrangements
of a practical nature and, during this transitional period, not to jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the final
agreement. Such arrangements shall be without prejudice to the final delimitation.” It is an important legal
basis for the formation of joint development agreements between countries. Joint Development has the same
meaning as the "dilution" and "softening" of conflicts and tensions between the countries concerned. Joint
development is, in fact, an appropriate solution that can be applied to the provisional settlement of disputes
in the South China Sea area and is currently under discussion by the parties. Mutual awareness has opened
the prospect and favorable conditions for conducting joint development cooperation activities in the region.
Negotiations on specific issues for the implementation of this option as one of the possible solutions to
conflicts that need to be considered include Vietnam. However, it should be noted that around the issue of
joint development in the South China Sea, the point of view of China is different from that of other
countries. China was the first country to propose joint development in the Spratly Islands area formally, and
so far, seems to follow a policy of “Set aside dispute and pursue joint development” to solve the Spratly
problem. What is interesting in this view is the general premise “sovereignty belongs to China.” Vietnam
and some other disputants cannot accept this standpoint. What do Vietnam government need to do in
implementing the joint development agreement in the South China Sea while maintaining the sovereignty of
the parties to the dispute? This article puts forward some solutions for Vietnam in solving this problem. To
implement the joint development solution in the South China Sea, the first thing that Viet Nam must
mention is the issue of sovereignty of Vietnam. Vietnam will only implement joint development if China
respects Vietnam’s sovereignty over the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands as well as its sovereign
rights and jurisdiction over the exclusive economic zone-EEZ and continental shelf adhered to the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982.
1 INTRODUCTION
The joint development model has been implemented
for a long time in the world, for example, the
Svalbard Treaty of 19 December 1920. Since the
treaty was born, so far, in the world, more than 100
joint development agreements have been signed and
implemented. Paragraph 3 of Article 74 of The
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in
1982 stipulate that “Pending agreement, the States
concerned, in a spirit of understanding and
cooperation, shall make every effort to enter into
provisional arrangements of a practical nature and,
during this transitional period, not to jeopardize or
hamper the reaching of the final agreement. Such
arrangements shall be without prejudice to the final
delimitation.” It is an important legal basis for the
formation of joint development agreements between
countries. Joint Development has the same meaning
as the “dilution” and “softening” of conflicts and
tensions between the countries concerned.
This solution may temporarily shelve disputes
that may prolong political-diplomatic relations
200
Phan, W.
Vietnamese Position Regarding China’s South China Sea Policy of “Set Aside Dispute and Pursue Joint Development”.
DOI: 10.5220/0010275100002309
In Proceedings of Airlangga Conference on International Relations (ACIR 2018) - Politics, Economy, and Security in Changing Indo-Pacific Region, pages 200-210
ISBN: 978-989-758-493-0
Copyright
c
2022 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
between countries that limit the state of tensions that
lead to the arms race or lead to armed conflict. In the
post-Cold War, countries in the Asia-Pacific region
have promoted cooperation in the exploitation and
development of joint ocean management
cooperation. These processes have made the
maritime security environment seem more peaceful.
The positive benefit of the joint development model
is that it contributes to building confidence in
reducing disputes and developing economic and
political cooperation for participating countries. On
the other hand, joint development is a temporary
solution that does not affect the final allocation, so it
can also meet the demand for exploiting natural
resources for economic growth (Nguyen, 2013).
Joint development is, in fact, an appropriate
solution that can be applied to the provisional
settlement of disputes in the South China Sea area
and is currently under discussion by the parties.
Mutual awareness has opened the prospect and
favorable conditions for conducting joint
development cooperation activities in the region.
Negotiations on specific issues for the
implementation of this option as one of the possible
solutions to conflicts that need to be considered
include Vietnam.
However, it should be noted that around the issue
of joint development in the South China Sea, the
point of view of China is different from that of other
countries. China was the first country to propose
joint development in the Spratly Islands area
formally, and so far, seems to follow a policy of “Set
aside dispute and pursue joint development” to solve
the Spratly problem. What is interesting in this view
is the general premise “sovereignty belongs to
China.” Vietnam and some other disputants cannot
accept this standpoint.
What do Vietnam government need to do in
implementing the joint development agreement in
the South China Sea while maintaining the
sovereignty of the parties to the dispute? This article
puts forward some solutions for Vietnam in solving
this problem. To implement the joint development
solution in the South China Sea, the first thing that
Viet Nam must mention is the issue of sovereignty
of Vietnam. Vietnam will only implement joint
development if China respects Vietnam’s
sovereignty over the Paracel Islands and the Spratly
Islands as well as its sovereign rights and
jurisdiction over the exclusive economic zone-EEZ
and continental shelf adhered to the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982.
2 JOINT DEVELOPMENT
The concept of joint development first appeared in
international law in the 1970s. There are various
definitions of joint development in relevant legal
literature. In a broad sense, joint development
agreements can be defined as cooperative efforts
between two or more States for the exploration and
exploitation of mineral resources that straddle a
maritime boundary or are found in areas of
overlapping claims (Becker-Weinberg, 2014).
The concept of joint development contains
several characteristics (Keyuan, 2006
It is an arrangement between two countries.
It is usually concerned with an overlapping
maritime area;
It can be used as a provisional arrangement
pending the settlement of the boundary
delimitation disputes.
It is designed to develop the mineral resources
in the disputed area jointly.
Under UNCLOS and customary international
law, non-living marine natural resources in the
seabed and subsoil of the territorial sea or
archipelagic water are subject to the sovereignty of
the coastal State. The coastal State exercises
sovereign rights to explore or exploiting such
resources in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ) or
continental shelf, including beyond 200 nm. Despite
these rules being clear and straightforward, legal and
practical problems occur in two particular situations:
first, if an offshore hydrocarbon deposit straddles a
boundary line and, second, if such resources are
found in a maritime area that is claimed by two or
more States. These problems arise mainly in the case
of oil and gas because of the migratory nature of
these resources. To satisfactory solutions for these
problems, States have developed joint development
agreements in their practice, a concept that was first
applied to the management of fisheries6 and also to
the development of onshore resources. Hence, joint
development may be briefly described as a
cooperative effort for the internationalization of
marine natural resources between two or more States
for the exploration and exploitation of offshore
hydrocarbon deposits that straddle a boundary line
or that are found in maritime areas of overlapping
claims (Becker-Weinberg, 2014).
Vietnamese Position Regarding China’s South China Sea Policy of “Set Aside Dispute and Pursue Joint Development”
201
3 THE SITUATION IN THE
SOUTH CHINA SEA
The South China Sea which is hosting as it does 20
disputes, may be viewed as one of the “hot” regions
in the world regarding overlapping maritime claims
(Nguyen, 2017).
The East Sea is a vast ocean stretching from the
west bank of Singapore in Southeast Asia to Taiwan
(Map 3.1), with an area of about 3,939,245 square
kilometers. It includes more than 200 islands, some
submerged with rocks and reefs. It contains a diverse
array of ecosystems and resources, especially
strategic resources such as hydrocarbon energy,
giant oil fields, and seafood-rich fishing grounds.
26
As maritime transportation developed, with the
cooperation of countries in many geographic areas,
the South China Sea became the shortest arterial
route linking the Pacific Ocean and India. This
bridge facilitated trade between China and India,
between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and
East Asia.
0
Figure 1 : Map 1 ( https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/53/SouthChinaSea.png)
Map 1 showed that the South China Sea lies in a
unique geographical position, one of the most
important strategic areas in the world, surrounded by
many countries. Based on Map 2, we find a whole
dispute between the six conflicting claimants,
including Vietnam, Malaysia, Philippines, Brunei,
Taiwan, China. Except for Brunei having a narrow
claim and less overlap, all of them had conflicting
claims.
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202
Via map 2, we can see the overlapping about the
claim of South China Sea presently of all concerned
countries. For example, the red line represents
China's claim that partially covered the entire South
China Sea. In particular, this claim to Vietnam's
nearly total conflict, including the Paracels and
Spratlys, entered China's territory, becoming the
region's most considerable sea dispute. On the other
hand, the claim of Vietnam to Malaysia has a rather
substantial interference, the interference range
mainly in Spratlys; the interference lies in the claim
area of China. Also, the overlapping claims in the
broad area take place on the Spratly Islands,
becoming islands of disputes that may trigger
tensions. Philippine claims are like overlapping
sections. Thus, the great importance and serenity of
the South China Sea cover the underlying tension
that arises from claims and counter-claims of
territorial overlap to these regions and points. The
history of longstanding conflicts in the region left
behind the legacy of conflicts and tensions in the sea
that threaten peace in the region.
Figure 2: Map 2
Vietnamese Position Regarding China’s South China Sea Policy of “Set Aside Dispute and Pursue Joint Development”
203
Table 1: A historical chronology of historical events related to the Paracels and Spratlys in Vietnam
Time Event
1931 China delegates the right to exploit the Hoang Sa archipelago to Anglo Chinoise Development Company.
France objected by claiming the historical and geographical rights of the An Nam nation (Vietnam’s name at
this time
)
in this territor
y
.
1932 France
p
ro
p
osed to brin
g
this case to the International Court China o
pp
osed this
p
ro
p
osal
1933 The Vietnam official declaration of
1937 France undertook to study the feasibility of constructing marine and airborne structures on Paracel islands
and built a li
g
hthouse on Paracel island.
1938 France established a regular presence in the Paracel islands and sent a guard unit to the islands. According to
the Decree dated June 15, 1938, Jules Brevies - the Governor of Indochina, established an administrative
a
g
enc
y
on the Paracel islands.
1939 On May 5, Jules Brevies revised the previous decree. On 04-04, the French Government issued a statement
p
rotestin
g
the Ja
p
anese
g
overnment's control over the S
p
ratl
y
Islands.
1946 France sent a reconnaissance team to Spratly islands and Paracel islands, but only garrisoned for a few
months.
China landed on the Woody Island of Paracel islands in November 1946 and Itu Aba of Spratly islands in
December 1946
1947 On January 17, the government of the Republic of China sent troops to Woody island of Paracel islands
again. The French government protested and sent a division to put a military post in the Paracel Islands. In
negotiating, the French Government requested this problem must be sent to the International Arbitration
Tribunal.
The Republic of China government rejected the proposal. On December 1, Mr. Chiang Kai-shek signed an
ordinance naming Paracel islands and placing them in Chinese territory.
1949 The establishment of the People's Republic of China regime has dramatically altered the international
environment of the dispute.
During this time, the office clerk of Bao Dai - the king of Vietnam currently, at a press conference in Saigon,
p
ublicl
y
reaffirmed Vietnam's ri
g
hts over the Paracel Islands.
1950 The Government of France officially transferred control over the Paracels to the Bao Dai government. At
this point, it appears that there is no military presence in the Spratly Islands. The authorities of the Republic
of China moved to Taiwan, and they were forced to withdraw from Woody Island in April and Itu Aba
Island in Ma
1951 On July 15, the President of the Philippines, Mr. Quirino claimed many islands on the Spratly Islands.
Announced on the draft peace treaty with Japan, on August 15, Mr. Chou Enlai affirmed “the longstanding
rights” of China over the Paracel and Spratly Islands.
On November 24, Xinhua News Agency disputed France's rights and ambitions of the Philippines and
unequivocally affirmed China's right.
On September 7, Spokesman of the Bao Dai government at the San Francisco conference confirmed
Vietnam’s soverei
g
nt
y
over Paracel and S
p
ratl
y
islands. No dele
g
ates commented on this statement.
1956 On March 15, 1956, a Filipino Thomas Cloma and his companions landed on some of the Spratly Islands,
claiming 33 islands in a 65,000-square mile area, and naming it Kalayaan (English name is Freedom). This
behavior was based on the argument for the right of detection and occupation. However, the Ambassador of
Taiwan in Manila reaffirmed Republic of China's rights from the 15th century. After that, a unit was sent to
the Itu Aba Island of the Spratly Islands and has been maintained since then until now.
In October, the Taiwanese Navy intervened in place against Thomas Cloma. In January 1956, the South
Vietnamese government brought the armed forces to replace French units in the Paracel Islands.
However, then, China's army landed in the eastern part of the Paracels. On May 29, Beijing reaffirmed its
rights. On May 31, the Chinese government announced that it would not tolerate any acts of infringement of
the rights of the People's Republic of China on the Spratly Islands. On June 1, the South Vietnamese
government's Foreign Minister, Vu Van Mau, reaffirmed Vietnam's rights over the two archipelagos. Later,
France reiterated to the French the rights that France had in 1933. Following this statement, a South
Vietnamese naval unit landed on the main island of the Spratly Islands, erected a beer and scissors. The
Taiwanese
g
overnment stron
g
l
y
o
pp
osed the behavior of the South Vietnamese
g
overnment.
1958 On September 4, the Government of the People's Republic of China issued a declaration defining the width
of the territorial sea to 12 nautical miles.
On 14-9, the note of the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (Southern Vietnam) on the
a
pp
roval of the declaration of China.
1971 The Philippines occupied several islands on the Spratly Islands. Taiwan returned to the Spratly Islands and
established a continuous presence on the Itu Aba island.
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204
After the incident that Taiwan fired on several Philippine fishing boats, Philippine requested Taiwan to
withdraw from Itu Aba Island and occupy the Nanshan Island, Northeast Cay island, Loaita island, Thitu
island. On July 13, the Foreign Minister of Saigon (Southern Vietnam), in Manila, recalled Vietnam's
claims. On July 17, Xinhua News Agency condemned the Philippines and repeated China's claims to the
archipelago.
1974 On January 15, China sent troops to the western islands of the Paracel Islands that were previously occupied
by Southern Vietnam's government. In the following days, they supported this action with a vigorous naval
deployment.
On 18 January, the Ambassador of Taiwan in Saigon, in a diplomatic note, reaffirmed the claim of the
Republic of China.
Through the diplomatic message sent to the signatories of the Paris Agreement, on March 2-3, Southern
Vietnam's government reiterated its recognized territorial integrity.
On July 2, the South Vietnamese government at the 3rd Sea Law Conference accused China of using force to
occupy the Paracel islands and assert that the Paracels and Spratlys are Vietnamese. Then, Saigon took
action for the reinforcements in the S
p
ratl
y
Islands. The Phili
pp
ines o
pp
osed this move.
1975 On May 5, 1975, the Northern Vietnam's Navy regained control of the islands of the Spratly Islands from the
Saigon Army (Southern Vietnam).
On September 10, China sent a note to Vietnam, stressing that two archipelagoes are always the territory of
China.
1977 Vietnam issued the first statement on the baselines for establishing the territorial waters, the contiguous
zone, the exclusive economic zone and the continental shelf.
1978 Philippines issued the Presidential Decree No. 1599, which uses the Filipino name Kalayaan to refer to the
Spratly Islands and asserts that the Spratly Islands are legally not of any country, but due to its proximity, the
vital importance of security, essential needs, useful occupation and control, the Philippines has established
legal sovereignty over the a
r
chipelago.
1979 Malaysia published a map of the continental shelf, including three islands of the Spratly Islands. Malaysia
claimed the Spratly Islands are territorially based on the extension of the continental shelf. In an ordinance in
February, the Philippines claimed almost all the Spratly Islands in its archipelago.
In March 1979, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam released a Memorandum of Understanding on
the Vietnam-China border, including 9 accusing China of illegally occupying the Paracel Islands of Vietnam
on 19 and 20 January 1974.
In July 1979, the Chinese Foreign Ministry published a paper to prove that Vietnam had recognized China's
soverei
g
nt
y
over these two archi
p
ela
g
os.
1982 In June, Xinhua reportedly established a significant port in Hao Sa Taiwan decided to place the Paracel
islands and Spratly islands under their jurisdiction. At the same time, the Kaohsiung City government
approved a three-year plan to build ports and settle in Itu Aba island.
On November 12, Vietnam stated baselines to calculate the breadth of the territorial sea.
1983 Malaysia occupied and formally proclaimed rights to the Swallow Reef island of Spratly Islands. They
said that Swallow Reef Island has long been a part of Malaysian territory. The Vietnamese Foreign
Ministry objected to Malaysia's actions and protested all Malaysian rights to the islands claimed by
Malaysia as part of its territory.
At the second Asia-Pacific Aviation Conference, China released two maps of the sea border that border most
of the South China Sea.
1984 In June, the 2nd Conference of the 6th Chinese National Congress approved the establishment of the Hainan
administrative area comprising both the Xisha and Nansha Islands (i.e., the Paracel and Spratly Islands) in
Guan
g
don
g
p
rovince of China
1988 In April 1988, China occupied six groups of islands and reefs following a clash with the Vietnamese navy,
including the Fiery Cross Reef, Cuarteron Reef (London Reef), Gaven Reef, Hughes Reef, Johnson Reef
(Johnson South Reef), Subi Reef.
In April, the Philippine government elected a mayor for a captured island town in the Spratly Islands.
Malaysia's Foreign Minister insisted that the Swallow Reef, Mariveles Reef, Ardasier Reef and Louisa Reef
are located on Malaysia's continental shelf.
1989 In May, China occupied an additional small island and then placed the sovereign stele on the islands and
reefs captured in the Spratly Islands.
In August, Vietnam completed the construction of a service-economic-scientific-technical cluster on the
S
p
ratl
y
Islands
1992 On February 25, 1992, China adopted the Territorial and Contiguous Land Law, asserting its ownership of
the Paracel and Spratly islands and much of the South China Sea. In this law, China has the right to use force
to impose its sovereignty over islands as well as claimed territorial waters.
In Ma
y
1992, China si
g
ned an a
g
reement with a small American com
p
an
y
called Crestone Ener
gy
Vietnamese Position Regarding China’s South China Sea Policy of “Set Aside Dispute and Pursue Joint Development”
205
Corporation to explore and exploit oil and gas in the Vanguard Bank on the Vietnamese continental shelf.
On May 10, a spokesman of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs reacted negatively by saying that the
Blue Dragon area is near the Nansha Islands. The agreement between the American Oil Company and
Vietnam in Blue Dra
g
on bank was ille
g
al.
1996 “On 15 May 1996, China took a new step forward by unilaterally drawing straight baselines (from which the
breadth of the territorial sea is measured) around the Paracel islands. China’s establishment of these
baselines around the Paracel archipelago seriously violates the territorial integrity of Vietnam. Putting aside
the issue of territorial sovereignty, China’s drawing of the baselines for the Hoang Sa archipelago is not in
conformity with the provisions of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).”
(Nguyen, 2001)
2007 China approved the establishment of the administrative district of Sansha County in Hainan Province, which
directly manages three archipelagos, including the Paracels and the Spratlys.
This action led to protests against China in Vietnam. The Vietnamese Foreign Ministry has formally
opposed China's doing.
2009 On March 10, President of Philippines, Mr. Arroyo signed the Act No. 9522 on the new baseline (the old
baseline in 1968), which managed the Spratly Islands and the Scarborough Shoal. China, Taiwan, and
Vietnam protested.
On May 6, Malaysia and Vietnam submitted a joint report to the continental shelf extending south of the
South China Sea to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf - CLCS.
On May 7, China sent the Diplomatic note CML/17/2009 and CML/18/2009 to the General Secretary of the
United Nations, which included a map of the Nine-dash line (Vietnamese calls cow tongue line).
On May 8, Vietnam and Malaysia sent a Diplomatic Note to the United Nations to protest China. On July 8,
Indonesia which is a non-dispute submitted to the United Nations, concludes that China’s Nine-dash line has
no legal basis. On August 4, the Philippines officially sent a note to the General Secretary of the United
Nations that they opposed the report on the extended continental shelf of Vietnam in the north and Vietnam
and Mala
y
sia in the south. Vietnam and Mala
y
sia o
pp
ose the Phili
pp
ines's Di
p
lomatic note.
2011 On April 5, the permanent mission of the Philippines in the United Nations sent a note to protest the
Diplomatic Note on 7 May 2009 of China. In particular, the Philippines does not accept the content about
China's indisputable sovereignty over the islands in the South
China Sea and adjacent waters, as well as
sovereign and jurisdictional rights over waters, the
seabed, and its subsoil.
On April 10, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said
that the Philippine Note Verbal was unacceptable.
Of the four notes to the United Nations against
China's Note of 7 May 2009, China only sent a letter
replying to the Philippines's note to the United
Nation Secretary- General, Mr. Ban Ki Moon
On April 14, China sent a note to protest to the
Philippines's note vigorously. This note stressed that
The Philippine occupation of several islands and
reefs of the Nansha Islands as well as other related
acts constitute a violation of China's territorial
sovereignty.
On 3-5 May, the Vietnamese delegation to the
United Nations sent a letter to the United Nations'
Department of Oceans and Laws, asserting
Vietnam's absolute sovereignty over the two
archipelagos: Paracel and Spratly.
By the end of July, the ASEAN has implemented
the DOC (Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in
the South China Sea) with China but is still at the
level of a political document. Moreover, the target
audience is just around the Spratly Islands, measures
deployed solely for cooperative exploitation or
scientific research. The main issue of the South
China Sea dispute is not directly mentioned.
In the Paracel Islands, China claims that it is a
territory under Chinese sovereignty, which is
different from ASEAN's understanding that it is also
subject to dispute. However, with the recent
achievements in implementing the DOC to a COC
(The Code of Conduct for the South China Sea), it
can be seen as an appropriate transition in the
context of tense competition.
The dispute in the South China Sea has been
going on for a very long time since the dispute arose
so far, with no official solution. This has become a
standard feature in the maritime disputes, which
contain significant strategic positions and vast
reserves of resources combined with the
participation of powerful nations. Example: Pinnacle
Islands (Diaoyu Islands) dispute between China and
Japan; Sovereignty disputes over the Arctic Sea
between the five countries: United States, Nigeria,
Denmark, and Canada; ...
The stance of nations is almost unchanged. As
the importance of the South China Sea is rising, the
evolution of disputes tends to increase in number
and the time gap is decreasing gradually. This
reflects the status quo that is being pushed up to the
stress level for various reasons.
Countries have been trying to consolidate their
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206
holdings. The expansion of China's claims widens
the scope of the dispute. In particular, where the
significant geographic location of the defense
strategy and where resource exploration entails
conflicting parties. Also, disputed geographic areas
containing sovereignty-based elements that contain
additional conflicting elements invoked by United
Nations Convention on Law of the Sea - UNCLOS
are disputed by the parties. Therefore, the
complexity of the dispute is greatly enhanced by the
existence of two different legal aspects on the same
subject matter.
The resistance of the states to the firm claims is
increasingly intense and drastic both regarding
diplomacy and military, Vietnam, China, and the
Philippines are the most influential performers. In
that sense, diplomacy has become a place of intense
struggle. On how to implement the solution, before
2013, the parties have not yet resolved to cooperate
on the legal status of the South China Sea based on
the Law of the Sea1982, which is understood only
through unilateral declarations.
Over time, China has become one of the most
disputed countries in the region, with affirmative
actions that tend to squeeze the rest. This has caused
the South China Sea dispute to tend to form two
opposite sides: China and ASEAN. This division is
not yet present in the dispute resolution role as
ASEAN has not yet demonstrated its unification;
Looking at the objections of China's views in Table
1 shows the fragmentation between the disputed
ASEAN states.
4 THE CONCEPT OF "SETTING
ASIDE DISPUTE AND PURSUE
JOINT DEVELOPMENT."
The concept of "setting aside dispute and pursuing
joint development" has the following four elements.
The first point is “The sovereignty of the
territories concerned belongs to China.” Given
"setting aside dispute and pursue joint development"
16
, Mr. Deng Xiaoping put forward a premise that
China has indisputable sovereignty over the Nansha
Islands, both Spratly islands, and Paracel islands. In
February 1984, he declared a claim to the Spratly: It
is a territory of China ... they have many times
China's claim to sovereignty over whether the
sovereign states belong to China. He further stated
that sovereignty is not a matter that can be discussed
and with the issue of their sovereignty, there are no
concessions.
The second point is respecting the truth and
putting aside the dispute. China maintains that the
Pinnacle Island, the Spratly Islands, are an
indispensable part of Chinese territory. However,
because of the changes of the times, although the
Nansha archipelago is the territory of China from the
ancient times, but now the main islands of Nansha
(Spratly) have been controlled by the four countries,
five parties and the sea are divided by 6 nations, 7
parties and tends to expand, making the South China
Sea the largest disputed area in the world. So China
showed that “When conditions are not ripe to bring
about an exact solution to the territorial dispute,
discussion on the issue of sovereignty may be
postponed so that the dispute is set aside. To set
aside dispute does not mean giving up sovereignty.
It is to leave the dispute aside for the time being.”
16
The third argument is for mutually beneficial
cooperation. “The territories under dispute may be
developed in a joint way”
16
. The Spratly islands
located in the international maritime linkage linking
the Pacific Ocean and the Indian Ocean, which is the
corridor of East Asia and Oceania not only has
abundant biological resources but is also rich in
petroleum resources. Currently exploring eight oil
reservoirs of about 30 billion tons is considered “the
second Persian Gulf.” The Chinese government
emphasizes that the Spratly Islands are Chinese
territory but that, to safeguard peace, the region that
promotes development cooperation may first put
aside disputes and jointly operate on the same
principle. Beneficial benefits for mutual benefit.
This is conducive to the friendly relationship
between China and its neighbors, which is
conducive to the peace and stability of the Asia-
Pacific region in the interests of peace and
development in the world.
The fourth point is toward a peaceful future.
“The purpose of joint development is to enhance
mutual understanding through cooperation and
create conditions for the eventual resolution of
territorial ownership”
16
. The purpose of joint
development is to build a peaceful future through
cooperation that enhances understanding and
ultimately facilitates the proper resolution of
sovereignty issues by peaceful means. Mr. Deng
Xiaoping pointed out: In the international arena, it is
best to apply a peaceful means of solving disputes.
He also emphasized: Considering the relationship
between countries should primarily work from the
strategic interests of the country itself. He believes
that to persevere in this way will find a solution to
the whole. He believes that we will finally find a
good solution. If this generation cannot solve it, the
Vietnamese Position Regarding China’s South China Sea Policy of “Set Aside Dispute and Pursue Joint Development”
207
next generation will be more intelligent and can find
a solution.
27
At the international conference on " South China
Sea: strengthening cooperation for security and
development in the region"
17
in Hanoi on 26-27
November 2009, Professor Ji Guoxing of Shanghai
Jiaotong University, former director of the Asia-
Pacific Department at the Shanghai Institutes for
International Studies, reiterated China's policy of
“Set aside dispute and pursue joint development”.
Professor Ji proposed that the parties to the dispute
must first agree on a common framework for the
exploitation of the entire South China Sea.
17
He concluded by proposing that Vietnam and
China discuss the possibility of jointly exploiting the
Vanguard Bank, which is almost entirely within the
200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone from its
undisputed territory
18
. Vietnam does not belong to
the Spratly Islands, which are in a state of a
sovereignty dispute. At a press conference in Hanoi
on January 6, 2010, Chinese ambassador Sun
Guoxiang also proposed the policy of "setting aside
disputes": "China's top leaders have put forward a
constructive initiative that is to put aside disputes
and to pursue joint development"
19
he said, adding
that Vietnam and China should shelve the war and
wait for a suitable condition.
Based on the essential and concrete content of
the view "Set aside dispute and pursue joint
development," we can see that the contents of this
view inherit the basic theories of joint exploitation
on the world and its features of Chinese. What is
remarkable in this view is that the first point of
sovereignty belongs to China. China claims to
exploit the Spratly waters based on Chinese
sovereignty over the islands. This is something that
Vietnam and other disputants cannot accept. China
affirms its
sovereignty without referring to the sovereignty
of Vietnam and other claimants in the South China
Sea.
Besides, China's policy of "Set aside dispute and
pursue joint development," does not include the
Paracel islands where, according to Vietnam, China
occupied illegally. China claims that "It is known to
all that China has indisputable sovereignty over the
Xisha Islands and its adjacent islets. China and
Vietnam have no dispute over this issue. The routine
training of the Chinese navy is an ordinary activity
within Chinese waters under China's sovereignty.
Vietnam's protest is groundless.”
Thus, Vietnam cannot unconditionally accept
China's policy of "Set aside dispute and pursue joint
development" with such preposterous sovereignty
claims!
China's policy of "Set aside dispute and pursue
joint development" is in line with international law
and practice as a provisional solution to complex
disputes as disputed in some areas of the South
China Sea. The key issue, however, is that China
only wants to "Set aside dispute and pursue joint
development" on the continental shelf that Vietnam
and other coastal states enjoy legally in accordance
with the international law. Thus, China claims that
there is no international legal basis and it is difficult
for any nation in the region.
Joint development is, in fact, an appropriate
solution that can be applied to the settlement of
disputes in some areas of the South China Sea and
the involvement of relevant countries. Negotiations
on specific issues for the implementation of this
option as one of the possible solutions to conflicts
that need to be considered include Vietnam.
However, to implement the joint development
solution in the South China Sea, the first thing that
Viet Nam must mention is the issue of sovereignty
of Vietnam. Vietnam will only conduct joint
development on the basis that China respects
Vietnam's sovereignty over the Paracel and Spratly
archipelagos as well as Vietnam's exclusive
economic zone - EEZ and continental shelf under of
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea in 1982.
5 SOME SUGGESTIONS FOR
VIETNAM
Firstly, the negotiation, signing, and implementation
of cooperation agreements for development should
thoroughly grasp the principle of respect for
Vietnam's sovereignty over Spratly and Paracel
islands and other islands in accordance with the
provisions of international law; especially within
200 nautical miles of Vietnam's exclusive economic
zone and continental shelf under the 1982 United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Secondly, the signing of joint development
agreement should adhere to the fundamental
principles of the 1982 United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea.
Thirdly, the content of development cooperation
should be detailed on all issues related to
development cooperation areas such as determining
the scope of cooperation, the profit sharing ratio, the
management model, the regulations on the rights and
obligations of the construction and use of
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environmental information exchange equipment.
The experience of these issues can be seen from the
Agreement between Senegal and Guinea Bissau;
1993 Agreement between the Government of
Australia and the Government of the Republic of
Indonesia relating to Cooperation in Fisheries;
Maritime
Delimitation Treaty between Jamaica and the
Republic of Colombia1993 ... At the same time, the
agreement must stipulate provisions to ensure that:
in the cooperative area, the parties have the right and
equitable interest in exploring the exploitation of
benefits from the construction and management of
the facilities for the exploitation of research. Each
activity ensures the participation of all stakeholders
in carrying out their responsibilities. For joint
development agreements, they should be taken to
preserve fish species and other living resources.
Fourth, the rights and obligations of the parties to
the treaty on joint development should state the
rights and obligations of each of the cooperative
areas. In the fishery sector, in addition to catching
standards, it is necessary to regulate the number of
fishing vessels per year.
Fifth, for the jurisdiction of the parties to the
agreement on joint development, there should be
detailed provisions on the rights and obligations of
the parties in the implementation of their jurisdiction
with the exploitation of resources on the
cooperation. The principle of "joint exercise of
jurisdiction" should be considered in any case to be
a just principle which ensures the long-term co-
operation of the parties. Also, the agreement should
provide for the competence of States in maritime
security and safety to facilitate safe and secure
maritime operations.
Sixth, the development of a regional joint
development model can be developed under the co-
management model which was applied in the
Agreement between Senegal and Guinea Bissau and
many co-operation agreements as Japanese-China
Fishery Coordination Association in Agreement on
Fisheries between the People's Republic of China
and Japan, 11 November 1997, the Japan-Republic
of Korea Joint Fisheries Commission in Agreement
Between Japan and the Republic of Korea
Concerning Fisheries on 28th November 1998, Sino-
Vietnamese Agreement on Fishery Cooperation in
the Vietnam and China Fishery Agreement in 2000
... This model must have a clear hierarchy of
functions and responsibilities of each agency and the
specialized agencies responsible for each of the
issues.
Seventh, the financial terms must be explicitly
specified because the primary objective of countries
is economic. The parties of joint development
agreement should be based on the principle of equity
to share financial interests and obligations. Member
States will be entitled to surplus/deficit in the
amount used.
The eighth issue is that the subject of applicable
law and dispute resolution will be agreed upon by
the two sides. However, it is necessary to strictly
adhere to the principles prescribed by international
law, considering the specific conditions of each
region where joint development agreement takes
place.
Ninth, about the validity of the joint development
agreement. A treaty on co-development requires this
document to be valid from the time it is approved by
the competent authority of each party and ceases to
be useful when the parties have reached agreement
in its determination. Treaties for joint development
in the South China Sea should also be "open" to
amendment and supplement by bargaining
procedures. This is a simple rule that facilitates the
suitable modification.
6 CONCLUSION
Joint development is the need and the suitable
solution, which could nowadays be applied in
settlement of disputes within some areas in the East
Sea. However, Vietnam must be extraordinarily
cautious and recognize China's ambition behind the
policy of "setting aside disputes and pursue joint
development.”
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