weapon; step two is to now engage with them directly
about these issues and seek changes in their behaviour
on these issues too”. Through these statements, it is
clear that differences in identity are the cornerstone of
British involvement in Iran’s nuclear deal.
In addition, it is understandable that Great Britain
defines Iran as a country with a strong Muslim culture
and identity so that Great Britain assumes that there is
funding from the terrorism’s government by the
Iranian government. Iran also suspects that such
weapons could be abused by extremist movements.
This so striking identity difference makes the writer
analyze the involvement of Great Britain with the
national identity level of analysis.
1.1 National Identity Level of Analysis
in Foreign Policy Analysis
Before a further analyzing, first the author will explain
the level of national identity analysis. Ken Booth
(1990) argues that reality is part of cultural
construction. The national identity formed within a
country is the result of the construction of the existing
culture in the country. Identity itself is a consequence
of the interpretation that arises between self and other
with the cultural basis. A country’s view of other
countries has implications for interaction patterns
with diverse consequences and depends on the
interpretation that arises. David Campbell (1999)
argues that the interpretation of a country against the
potential danger of other actors has an impact on a
country’s policy making. Culture is one of the factors
of a country in the process of making foreign policy
of a country so it is important to understand the culture
in order to find patterns of foreign policy making of a
country. In light of this cultural understanding,
Campbell (1999) then defines foreign policy to be a
process referring to a country’s relations with other
countries, differentiation practices, and a worldview
in assessing the object of foreign policy-making as
foreign. In this context, the foreign policy-making
process is separate from the country’s constitutional
mechanisms since the policy-making resolutions are
based on self-identity and the differences that usually
lie with ethnic, racial, gender, and local values.
Through the process of foreign policy making, a
country seeks to construct, produce and maintain its
political identity. Foreign policy making can also be
understood as a defensive mechanism against
outsiders that threatening the identity of a particular
country.
Anne L. Clunan (2009) explains, when viewed
from the perspective of constructivism, the national
interest is not formed from the material factors, but the
identity, norms, and other social cultural factors.
Identity forms a social structure which then becomes
the foundation of foreign policy making. Social norms
constitute possible action by considers the
consequences of social structures in the international
system. A state acts on the distribution of identities,
norms, and practices that differ from one another. One
constructivist approach is the aspirational
constructivism that assumes that national identity is
not only the result of the historical experience and
habits of the predecessors of a society, but also the
reason of the political elite to determine the national
interest of a country (Clunan, 2009). Aspirational
constructivism examines the current situation and
history to explain the formation of foreign policy by
the political elite. In this context, human beings are
represented as agents in combining past and present
perceptions that shape the national identity and
national interests of a country.
Aspirational constructivism emphasizes the
central role of aspirational logic in the making of
national identity and national interests. The base of
this perspective is the theory of social identity that
explains that a country needs the motivation of
positive distinctiveness of self-esteem from other
countries so as to form a “us” group identity. In order
to discover the distinctiveness, a state will make its
history and experience a reference in its foreign policy
determination. This is then known as aspirations
related to national identity and national interest
(Clunan, 2009). Assuming that humans need self-
esteem, so does a country that wants to obtain self-
esteem collectively from its external environment. In
order to safeguard the self-esteem, a state may
transform itself or another party. Aspiration is derived
from the need to maintain a positive self-esteem or
develop a negative self-esteem, depending on the
country’s interests. When associated with national
identity, political elites try to improve or maintain
collective self-esteem in the international system. A
country’s history of its purpose and status affects
collective self-esteem and becomes the basis of
aspiration in the present and the future.
1.2 Great Britain’s Self Image
In order to understand the identity of Great Britain, it
is important to understand how the country defines
itself in the international system. Great Britain is often
conspired to apply Western culture with a view of
liberalism that highly regarded by itself. Nonetheless,
the liberalism in question is not passive, but liberalism
opposed to the emergence of Islamic extremism.
British Prime Minister David Cameron believes that
in order to safeguard Western ideology and values,
Great Britain should implement muscular liberalism
rather than passive tolerance of liberalism. Muscular
liberalism itself refers to the notion of liberalism that
focuses on the attitude of anti-terrorism (BBC, 2011).
At a security conference in Munich, David Cameron
argued that there would be a separate oversight of the
Muslim group getting funding from the public in order
to counter extremist movements. This attitude can not
only be observed as a national self-image of Great
Britain in promoting muscular liberalism, but also as
an effort to eliminate radical movements of Islam that