International System as Foreign Policy Determinant Variable: Brazil

South-South Policy under Lula da Silva

Katong Ragawi Numadi and Citra Hennida

Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga

Keywords: Brazil, Policy, Power, South-South, Lula da Silva, International System.

Abstract: Lula da Silva as the elected Brazil President has brought a new approach to the Brazil’s foreign policy

implementation in 2003-2010. Brazil’s foreign policy in this period was focused on the relations between the

Souths, either between the countries in South America, Africa, or Asia. Through the South-South relations,

Lula’s Administration was trying to build strong alliances by creating balanced bilateral and multilateral

relations. Brazil’s effort to intensify the South-South relations were done by promoting cooperation and

integration between the Third World Countries. The policies implemented by Brazil included the political

aspect, such as building diplomatic relations with countries in Africa and Middle East. Brazil also initiated to

strengthen the economic ties between middle-power countries, both in the South American region or other

regions. Brazil’s South-South policy was more or less shaped by the international system. Acknowledging

the existence of levels between countries in the world, Brazil as a middle country and the regional leader in

the system would rationally balance the global power by minimizing the gap of power and escalate its

bargaining power through the South-South policy. The writer will elaborate the correlation between the

developing international system to Brazil’s South-South policy under the administration of Lula da Silva.

1 INTRODUCTION

Foreign policy is the response of the state government

in relation to certain issues encountered, especially in

the context of its relationship with the state and other

international actors. Similar to the type of policy in

general, the international policies taken by the state

are dynamic based on various influencing factors and

situations. In relation to Brazil's foreign policy, in

general also experience a variety of specific

dynamics. During President Lula da Silva 2003 to

2010, Brazil's policy focus was directed at making

Brazil an influential global actor. This objective is

then realized with a policy of building strong

relationships with neighboring countries, especially

those classified as "southern" countries. The foreign

policy outline of the Lula da Silva era, which came to

be known as the "south-south" policy, was

implemented through the improvement and

intensification of relationships to developing

countries. Referring to Zanini's opinion (2014) the

"south-south" policy is largely run by President Lula's

government by establishing strong relations with

countries such as Russia, India, China and South

Africa by strengthening the BRICS summit. While on

the other side also build good relations with hard left

government in Latin America region like Venezuela

and Cuba as well as some other dictators in Middle

East and small country of Africa region.

The formation of government under President

Lula da Silva has reignited Brazil's foreign policy

direction towards developing countries. In this period

Brazil is not interested in channeling itself against the

United States as the hegemony as well as the main

regional power of the Americas, but emphasizing the

development of developing countries in Asia and

Africa as the main concentric circle. Referring to the

views of Fontine and Sifert (n.d), the South-linked

cooperative co-operation developed by Lula's

government is thoroughly executed at the political,

economic and technical levels. This is done both

through dominant bilateral patterns and the

application of multilateral relations. At the bilateral

level, for example, the Lula Government is

strengthening Brazilian presence in African and

Middle Eastern countries by strengthening multi-

faceted bilateral cooperation along with the increasing

intensity of this regional visit. In addition to leading

to bilateral relations, in line with the views of Fontine

and Sifert (n.d), the "south-south" foreign policy

tendency of the Lula da Silva government is also built

through a multilateral pattern. It is not just continuing

510

Numadi, K. and Hennida, C.

International System as Foreign Policy Determinant Variable: Brazil South-South Policy under Lula da Silva.

DOI: 10.5220/0010279500002309

In Proceedings of Airlangga Conference on International Relations (ACIR 2018) - Politics, Economy, and Security in Changing Indo-Paciﬁc Region, pages 510-515

ISBN: 978-989-758-493-0

the already established multilateral framework.

President Lula also acted as an incisiator of several

other new multilateral frameworks covering various

aspects which in their intent acts as a bridge for

strengthening relations between "southern" countries

and Brazil.

The policy of developing countries more dominant

in the era of Lula da Silva's government was built on

three main pillars that referred to Brazil's goals as an

important player in the international order. Sousa

(2008) mentions that these three pillars include the

first is the promotion of regional integration in order

to realize economic and social development. Second

is to support and promote multilateralism at the global

level, especially the UN and WTO. The third is the

promotion of "southern" state coopreasi reflected by

various agreements with other southern power

countries in the form of IBSA and other developing

countries in Latin America. In relation to Lula da

Silva's foreign policy, it is generally known that the

state of the international system experienced by Brazil

is more likely to be the reason behind the Lula da Silva

Government's interest in building alliances with

developing countries rather than focusing on relations

with developed countries such as the United States

and Europe.

1.1 International System and Foreign

Policy Decision Making

Given the understanding that the dynamics at

international level are able to shape foreign policy

patterns, Breuning (2007) in his thesis reveals that it

is important for decision makers to consider the

conditions of the international environment

experienced. Along with the nature of the

internationally understood system, policymakers are

required to see all possibilities in the dynamics of

international pressure faced in order to at least protect

the interests of their country. Referring to this view it

is understandable that the policies adopted by

individual leaders of the state will be different in line

with the different positions held by each country in the

international system map that is formed. One of the

factors that make up the difference in policy response

is related to the difference in capability in each

country as the main indicator that determines the role

of the country at global level (Breuning, 2007). Thus

the aspect of both tangible and intangible forces

determines how a country responds to the position it

faces in relation to other international actors.

More on the linkages between capability relations,

the international system and the determination of the

country's foreign policy, refers to the Breuning thesis

(2007) decision-makers play a more important role as

mediators who read the relative strength of their

countries against other countries as well as their

perceptions of opportunities and international

pressure which then underlies what action options

should be taken. The relative strength of the country

in which the outline is intended can be a comparison

of the geographic state, population level, economic

capability, and military of a country against another.

In detail then Breuning (2007) emphasizes that

aspects such as geographical conditions and

population density do not necessarily make a powerful

state in the international system. But that aspect of

capability is more of a profit for each country in its

mission in relationships at the global level. Likewise

with other aspects of capability that is economic

capability, it is seen that the country with the

advantage of geography and population owned can

not necessarily be classified as an economically

advanced country because there are other aspects that

also affect such as conditions and education owned in

each population. In addition to the military strength as

an additional calculation of state capabilities relative

to other international actors. This is because, although

not always in line, the position of the state in the

international system is relatively increasingly

calculated along with the magnitude of military power

both in terms of allocation of amount and

technological sophistication.

It is simply understood that Breuning (2007) views

the relative capability of the state to explain only a

small part of the country's position in the international

environment as a whole. Our understanding of state

capability in this context does not directly explain the

decision of foreign policy adopted by the decision

maker. It helps to analyze the reasons for the policies

taken as we understand the positions faced by the state

in the international environment in line with the

relative capability possessed of its surroundings. In

broad outline it can be seen that countries with small

capabiltias tend to face more pressure in policy

decisions than countries with greater geographic,

population, and economic capabilities (Breuning,

2007). In addition to the measurement of these

capability variables, in analyzing the behavior of

countries based on the international environment

encountered, Breuning (2007) states the importance of

comprehensively classifying the position of the state

in the international system. This is important given

that the understanding of the state is not merely a

geographical reality. So the understanding of the

capability of the state in the form of geographical and

population conditions alone can not explain the

position of the country in the international system as

well as the established foreign policy related to the

condition.

In general, the comprehensive classification of the

country's position in the international system

according to Breuning (2007) refers to the division of

states into state, small power, middle power, regional

power and super power. This classification is derived

based on the role played in international politics in

line with the objective power possessed against other

countries. Related to this state that belonging to failed

state refers to countries with weak government

institutions. Meanwhile, small power refers to

International System as Foreign Policy Determinant Variable: Brazil South-South Policy under Lula da Silva

511

countries with weak capabilities. Meanwhile, the state

belonging to the middle power of the country with

influential power in a fairly qualified international

system that refers to the G-22 countries. Despite the

crosshairs but the concept of middle power needs to

be distinguished also with regional power that refers

to the most influential countries in its regional.

Meanwhile, the super power in the international

system is the most influential state as well as

capability in changing the growing international

system refers to the United States and other G-8

countries (Breuning, 2007). Related to this

classification, Breuning (2007) in theory states that

there is a tendency of a country's policy based on its

position in the international classification. Small

power states focus policy on diplomacy and role in

international institutions in line with the small

capacity to influence other countries. Unlike the

middle poweryang countries in some ways have the

ability to influence even though not through military

kekauatan. Countries in this position typically use

their resources to influence countries to reconcile and

overcome the disparities between countries. This is

done by acting as an enterpeneur norm in order to

require other parties to follow suit against certain

international norms or standards through advocacy

and diplomacy (Breuning, 2007).

Further, the small and medium-sized states in the

south of their policies are also tied to the relative depth

of relations with the state with greater strength. So

compared to countries with great strength, unequal

pattern of relationship in this system requires policy

makers to form their own foreign policy patterns

based on consideration of the extent to which hard

power and soft power capabilities possessed can affect

the system. However Breuning (2007) also mentioned

that the differentiated forces in the international

system experienced are not the sole consideration of

decision makers. There are aspects such as the history

of previous relations between countries which have an

effect on the preference of a country on certain

policies and to certain countries today. It should be

noted that the nature of the international system that

tends to be stable and changing over long periods has

created a national role conception that has been rooted

in each country which is then still used as a reference

for decision makers both in certain situations and on

the continuation of ongoing relations.

1.2 Brazil Position in the International

System and South-South Policy

As explained earlier the election of Lula da Silva in

2003 has provided a new atmosphere for Brazil's

foreign policy. The Brazilian government during the

2003-2010 Lula da Silva government period in its

foreign policy focused on relations with developing

countries in Asia, especially on China and India and

some countries in the African region. This relation

was built through the formation of a "south-south"

cooperation framework that the Brazilian Government

initiated against fellow developing countries across

the region. When referring to the model of foreign

policy analysis proposed by Breuning (2007) this

Brazil policy is inseparable from Brazil's

comprehensive capability and position at the

international system level. Frontine and Siffert (n.d)

mentioned that the south-south cooperation that

became a concentric circle in Brazilian foreign policy

during the era of President Lula was actually a form

of Brazilian foreign policy modernization that had

taken root with Brazil's position in the international

system in several previous periods. As a medium

powered country with capabilities that in some

contexts are not qualified enough to speak much on a

global level, initiating intensive relationships with

small power and middle power country is seen as a

strategic choice for Brazil. Through understanding

based on neorealism and dependencies it can be

understood that initiating south-south cooperation can

be interpreted as a Brazilian option in maintaining or

improving its relative position in relation to other

parties, especially countries with more dominant

powers.

Brazil's dominant foreign policy towards

developing countries can be understood as a

horizontal relationship that seeks to build a Lula da

Silva government based on certain profitability and

calculation of Brazil's position along with the

unilateralism of the world formed post-Cold War.

Lechin (in Patricio, n.d) mentions that this Brazilian

policy as an essential step which strengthens the

relations of other countries with the aim of

strengthening the position of bargaining power in the

international system. Together with other BRICS

countries such as China, South Africa, Russia and

India, Brazil is emerging power that seeks to mobilize

other developing countries in order to overcome the

asymmetrical forces developed in the international

system in line with the dominance of the role of the

United States and other northern countries. The

current negative impact of the international system on

the limitations of middle-income countries including

Brazil basically provides its own consideration for the

Lula da Silva government to enhance Brazil's position

as an important player in the international system in

line with its active role as a representative of the

southern states. By positioning itself as a global south

leader, the Government sees that goals related to

sustainable growth and prosperity of Brazil and other

southern states will be realized when complex co-

operation between southern states is created under the

full support of Brazil (Sousa, 2008). In line with that

view, O'niell (in Patricio, nd) asserted that the

complex co-operation of the southern states including

BRICS as well as other developing countries in South

America and Africa has the potential to trigger

Brazil's rapid development as well as other middle-

and middle-income countries, economy in the next

few years.

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

512

In general, Brazilian behavior during the reign of

President Lula actually shows the general tendency of

foreign policy applied by the state government in the

middle or ambiguous position in the international

system. Sousa (2008) argues that this ambiguous or

hybrid position is obtained in line with the reality on

the one hand that Brazil has all the capabilities as an

important actor in a system that grows in view of the

wide area, population, and rapid economic growth in

recent periods. But on the other hand Brazil is still a

part of developing countries with a level of capability

is relatively lower than the global power like the

United States. The "south-south" approach of

policyBrazil demonstrates the general role of the

middle power states that in some ways is capable of

affecting the international system through the use of

its resources to demand a more symmetrical

relationship and acting as the norm of entrepreneurs

in a developing system. In this position unlike the

previous administration of Cardoso, which seemed to

follow the flow of hagemony and globalization, Lula's

leadership prompted Brazilian diplomacy more as an

anti-hagemonic counter powerseer with China and

Russia. In addition, the diplomacy developed by the

Lula da Silva government also relates to the re-

affirmation of the role of Latin American regional

leaders against regional rivals such as Argentina and

Colombia (de Almeida, 2010). Through a foreign

policy program that emphasizes Brazil as the leader of

a third world country, especially for other African and

Latin American countries, Brazil seems to want to

demonstrate the feasibility of its capability to coexist

with global forces within the UN as well as the overall

system.

Brazil's foreign policy to serve as a forum for

cooperation against third-world countries across the

region is basically also supported by the superiority of

capability possessed against other southern countries.

Sousa (2008) explains that Brazil already has a

demographic and geographical capital that is capable

and can be juxtaposed with countries such as China.

This is then supported by the increase in economic

capability in line with the level of economic growth is

increasingly stable even able to occupy the top ten of

the world economy with an average growth of 5

percent per year. In line with that, in the context of

Brazil's soft power capability also supports the role it

attempted to emerge during Lula's reign as the

"southern" state leader. The mission associated with

co-ordination of the "southern" state is supported by

Brazil's skillful diplomacy and negotia- tion

capability. De Almeida (2010) mentions that the

ability of Brazilian diplomats has become a separate

force for Brazil in projecting its strength in the global

order. In fact, diplomacy and negotiation skills are

acting as a key capacity compared to aspects of

Brazil's military and economic power in relation to

other countries, especially the southern countries that

have been the focus since the Presden Lula da Silva

era. The calculation of relative capability is a separate

reason for President Lula to increase Brazil's

bargaining power to become more involved in the UN

and WTO by running foreign policy programs that

support the interests of "southern" countries. The use

of this capability source is then applied in policies

such as restructuring relationships to third world

countries including poor countries in Africa and Latin

American dictators. In addition Brazil is also

increasingly active in providing assistance and

support to the state and institutions concerning

developing countries.

In particular, Brazil's relative capability

relationship to the environment associated with

"south-south" policies by the author can be traced

through the dynamics both experienced at regional

and extra-regional levels. At the regional level of

Latin America itself the authors assume that south-

south policy related to regional dynamics that

occurred along with Brazil's position as a natural

leader. This is in line with Brazil's superiority of

power in the context of Brazil's hard power and soft

power when compared to other countries in Latin

America. However, the position of regional leader is

in fact getting opposition from other countries. De

Almeida (2010) mentions that Brazil's dominance in

the Latin American region is only obtained

objectively in terms of its real power. Meanwhile, the

recognition of the position as a dominant regional

force has not been obtained subjectively in line with

the opposition that arises from other major South

American countries, especially Argentina and

Venezuela, as well as relatively smaller countries such

as Uruguay, Bolivia, Paraguay, and even Ecuador.

Along with these conditions, it is understood that the

co-operative policy of the "southern" state as an effort

to increase the bargaining power and reaffirm the

position of Brazil as a regional power without going

through aggressive action. Fontine and Siffert (nd)

then argued that the Lula Presidential Government

saw that south-south polic could be instrumental in

gaining momentum in order to reaffirm Brazil's

leading role in the Latin American region especially

to suppress the increasingly dominant US intervention

in the region. This was then implemented by the Lula

da Silva government through a more interventionist

role towards fellow southern states in the region. This

is done through a multilateral pattern in line with

Brazil's growing support for intra-regional institutions

on the one hand enhancing Brazil's involvement in the

region, and on the other hand also creating more

favorable conditions when faced with political and

economic conditions at a global level. In addition to

the multilateral pattern, this policy in the region is also

built bilaterally to keep the alliance's relations

profitable and related to the maintenance of prestige

against certain countries in Latin America.

Both decisions on the application of south-south

policy can also be understood in terms of dynamics in

extra-regional. At this level the author tries to

understand President Lula's policy through the

International System as Foreign Policy Determinant Variable: Brazil South-South Policy under Lula da Silva

513

understanding offered by Breuning and Lima.

Breuning (2007) views that cooperation and

upholding certain standards is one way for the middle-

powered states to influence the growing system. In

this context it is seen that Lula da Silva's foreign

policy is related to the effort of integrating the power

of third world countries to influence the system that

has been under the domination of the United States for

certain international and domestic purposes. In line

with that thinking Five (in Fontine and Siffert, nd)

argues that foreign policy which tends to build

collective action and common multilateralism is a

common pattern of policy by a system affecting state

that is understood to be a country with weaker

resources and relative capacity than the global power.

Brazil is classified as a system affecting state using

collective action in a multilateral pattern in various

forms of global south cooperation as a way of giving

influence as well as role as a "broker" to the conditions

at the international arena level. Implementation of the

policy is then implemented in two levels

internationally, namely strengthening cooperation

against fellow system affecting state and to other

developing countries outside the region that is not

classified as a system affecting state.

At the level of system affecting state, Brazil's

"south-south" policy focuses on strengthening ties to

BRICS countries (China, Russia, India and South

Africa) and other G-20 members who are in the same

position in the system international. This policy can

be understood by Fontine and Siffert (n.d) as part of a

general strategy known as the dominant foreign

autonomy through diversification in the Lula da Silva

era to be able to affect the global level. This is

bilaterally done by Brazil by building strategic

alliances one of them against China and India and

South Africa in some ways, covering multi-faceted

with the main basis as a counterweight to the

dominance of the United States and other major

countries in the international system as a whole. In

addition to the bilateral approach, the placement of

cooperatives such as the IBSA alliance of the G-22

forum as the main policy focus also reflects the

foreign autonomy through diversification strategy of

the Lula da Silva government period in its mission to

make Brazil an important actor in a growing

international system. The "south-south" policy which

Brazil also focuses on developing countries outside of

the affecting state system in Africa, Middle East and

South Asia regionally and bilaterally as well as part of

Lula's government's reaction to the international

dynamics faced. Through the explanation of the

theory of developing country depedensi, this step

according to the author can be explained as a response

to the dependence of third world countries on

developed countries. Initiating third-world

interdependence, with the creation of close

relationships with others through the "south-south"

policy is the most strategic step of the Brazilian

government in reducing its dependence while

strengthening Brazil's position in international forums

in line with increased support from third world

countries.

Lula da Silva government's policy of prioritizing

developing country relations can also be traced to the

pattern of previous policy responses to a growing

international system. Since the protectionist policy of

1950, Brazil's foreign policy has largely shown the

development of the international system, especially on

the expansion of US influence. According to de

Almeida (2010) this superficial nationalist policy

response then continues in response to the

development of the contemporary international world.

Patricio (nd) then adds that the "south-south" policy

as a re-formation of the traditional Brazilian paradigm

that tends to apply multilateral policies with third

world countries in response to the dependence and

underdevelopment of positions in line with the

development of the international system, especially

after the end of the bipolar system. However, there is

a difference in which the policy paradigm towards the

"south" of President Lula's administration runs more

offensively in order to achieve a key position in the

UN and the WTO. Prior to Lula's reign, several

periods have demonstrated policy implementation

leading to US anti-hegemonization measures. One

example is spelled out by Fontine and Siffert (nd) that

in 1994 along with NAFTA in North America, Brazil

was in a policy of seeking an alternative South

American integration in order to assume its position

as a regional leader. The Brazilian government then

rejected all the ideas of the United States in seeking a

form of integration in South America. This is based

on the fact that the existence of the United States along

with its integration project such as FTAA will only

result in Brazil's inferior position in the region when

confronted with US forces in the South American

region.

The experience of the anti-Americanization

attitude established by the past policy has been the

author of national role conception which is rooted and

has a lot of influence on the application of foreign

policy in the "left" era in Lula da Silva era. United

States unilateralism persisted in contemporary line

with Brazil's demands to keep its position in balance

with United States influence. Therefore, according to

the writer of south-south policy of Lula da Silva era

as the sustainability of anti-imperialism spirit in the

growing international system. This can then be

achieved through the development of stretegical

alliances against countries with other potential powers

such as India, China and South Africa as well as

against other third world countries as the primary

choice in counterweight to US imperialism especially

to South America. De Almeida (2010) goes on to

explain that the Lula Government's decision to

prioritize relations to small and medium-sized

countries rather than cooperate with the United States

as an illustration of a more confrontational placement

of a hegemonic state that is seen as impeding Brazil's

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

514

welfare and dominance mission era of his

government. In addition, this policy model can also be

understood as the reaction of the Brazilian

government to avoid direct opposition in attempts to

block the spread of US interests as a state of

hegemony. It thus appears that the Lula da Silva

government expects its own distinct advantages over

Brazil's position that remains an opposition to the

interests of hegemony in the international system

through the role of leader representing the interests of

small and medium-sized countries.

2 CONCLUSION

Based on the above descriptions, the authors draw the

conclusion that although not as a major factor, the

state of the developing international system exerted an

influence behind Brazil's "south-south" policy of

President Lula da Silva's government era. In fact the

situation of the international system faced became one

of the considerations of the Brazilian government at

that time in implementing this policy. This relates to

Brazil's relative capability to other countries as well

as its position in the entire international system that

prompted the government at that time to implement

this policy. Brazil's position as a middle power as well

as regional power of Latin America then gave rise to

demands for the government to continue to balance

and minimize the asymmetric power that appears to

global power in this case the United States and other

"northern" countries. The reality of this difference in

relative capability which then rationally raises the

Lula da Silva government's view that the focus of

integrating the power of third world countries as a

strategic step is related to the effort to increase

bargaining power and affirmation of existence in the

international arena. "South-south" policy can be said

to be a strategic choice based on certain views that one

of them relates to Brazil's relatively superior ability

compared to some other third world countries in

Africa and Asia in terms of economy, region, and

other aspects of capability. The focus of relations on

third world countries is considered to create a more

balanced and mutually beneficial pattern of

relationships, especially for Lula da Silva's planned

developmental mission since the beginning of his

reign.

Meanwhile, on the other hand, bargaining power

in every Brazil international forum is assessed to

increase along with the strong network built on the

middle class countries with large numbers.

In addition to referring to the relative capability

aspect, the international system as a determinant in the

determination of the policy can also be traced from a

deeply rooted national conception role as the basis for

reference in responding to the evolving international

situation. In the Brazilian context itself, this aspect

relates to a deeply rooted protectionist nationalist

policy in policy-makers that are implemented in line

with the pressures faced in contemporary international

systems. The "south-south" policy of the Lula da Silva

government era is a new implementation of Brazil's

anti-hellemonic tendencies rooted in the previous

government period. The relationship between this past

policy tendency can be demonstrated in the context of

Brazilian relations with the US haggoni which in

some ways is contradictory. An example is Brazil's

foreign policy in 1994 against the idea of the United

States FTAA that would only strengthen the United

States' position in the South American region and

would undermine Brazil's position within the region.

In some ways, Brazil's "south-south" policy of the

Lula era can be understood as the same thing, which

is related to Brazil's efforts to balance the position of

fraud over the positions of hegemony in a growing

international system.

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