United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and

Restraining China Influence

Ni Komang Yulia Cempaka Sari and I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana

Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga

Keywords: Attributes, Long Cycle Theory, International System.

Abstract: United States under President Barack Obama administration inherited a poor domestic economic conditions

due to the economic crisis in 2008. To deal with this issue, United States government released a foreign

policy Pivot to Asia. Officially, this policy is referred as an attempt to balance the foreign policy priorities

of the United States that were previously considered too focused in the Middle East region. In addition, the

economic growth in Asia led to the increased strategic value of the countries in the region that made the

United States more into account regarding the potential of this region. This article analyzes the background

and the reason behind the United States decision to getting closer to Asia. Through analysis using

international system variables, according to Valerie Hudson, there are several attributes that need to be

considered. Each attribute represents the conditions that are seen in the interaction dynamics of the countries

at the global level. In addition, through the Long Cycles Theory by Geroge Modelski, United States foreign

policy is motivated by the transition and cycles that exist in the international system. Based on this theory,

the phase of the current international system is in a state of deconcentration of power leading to new actors.

China’s economic growth lead to discomfort for the United States as a world power since the end of Second

World War. Long Cycles Theory able to explain changes in the international system is able to push the

United States to implement a foreign policy Pivot to Asia as an attempt to hold and contain the spread of

Chinese influence at the global level.

1 INTRODUCTION

The first decade of US foreign policy in the early

21st century was dominated by anti-terrorism

policies, wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as the

efforts of deterrence and nuclear proliferation in

Iran. US foreign policy is a form of response to the

hijacking of three commercial aircraft which then

crashed into the World Trade Center building in

New York and the Pentagon in Washington D. C.

and the fourth aircraft that ended up falling in

Pennsylvania on September 11, 2001 (Green, 2014).

Replacing President George W. Bush with the

foreign policy of War on Terror that characterized

his leadership, the 44th President of the United

States, Barack Obama took a different approach

during his reign. President Barack Obama inherited

a severe domestic economic crisis early in his

tenure. The condition of the US economy in 2008

was one of the worst since the Great Depression that

once hit the United States in the 1930s. Improving

the domestic economy is the first task that must be

done by Barack Obama after inaugurated in early

2009. One of the efforts made by Barack Obama to

deal with this problem is to proclaim US foreign

policy that pivots on countries in Asia .

The United States solely maintain the

international security, political and economic

stability since the end of the Second World War. In

Asia, the United States' influence in maintaining

regional stability and security has had a substantial

impact on regional economic developments.

Simultaneously the economic malaise experienced

by the United States and the recession Hesei that

occurred in Japan is inversely proportional to the

significant growth experienced by China (Chow,

2014). Although China was not at the time of

extreme economic growth, China was able to

capitalize on the deterioration of the US economy

and use the opportunity as a momentum to expand

its influence in the international economy. Economic

development and growth in the Asia region also

rapidly increasing the strategic value of countries in

the Asian region, thus increasing the importance of

this region for the United States. The US decision to

"return to Asia" is believed to be an attempt to

Sari, N. and Wicaksana, I.

United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and Restraining China Inﬂuence.

DOI: 10.5220/0010279800002309

In Proceedings of Airlangga Conference on International Relations (ACIR 2018) - Politics, Economy, and Security in Changing Indo-Paciﬁc Region, pages 529-535

ISBN: 978-989-758-493-0

529

rebalance US foreign policy priorities that in the

previous administration were too focused on the

Middle East so as to ignore the Asia-Pacific region.

Entering 2010, the international economy is

shifting and Asia offers new opportunities that used

by the United States government in the era of Barack

Obama to balance the maximum potential of the

profits and investments that can be obtained by the

United States (Saunders, 2014). The United States

economy at one of its lowest points is the reason

behind the approach of the United States to the

Asian region. It is clear that the United States has a

strong motive when deciding on foreign policy

orientation under Barack Obama's leadership to

incline toward Asian region. One explanation that

can be used to explain the background of US's

Foreign Policy Pivot to Asia is to use international

system level of analysis. The level of analysis of the

international system is the highest exploration that

can be used to analyze the foreign policy of a

country. As an approach at the macro level, the

international system is called the stage in foreign

policy analysis. Given that each country has its own

intentions and interests, the foreign policy response

of a country to the current conditions at the global

level is not the same as each other. In this paper, the

international system exploration is used to analyze

the influence of global dynamics and constellation

on a global level in encouraging the United States to

implement foreign policy that pivots in the Asian

region. According to Valerie Hudson (2007), there

are six attributes in analyzing foreign policy through

international system variables. In addition, the

theory of George Modelski (1981) on the cycles and

transitions of the international system, is also used to

deepen the analysis of US foreign policy.

2 INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM

AND FOREIGN POLICY

ANALYSIS

Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye (1977) in their

Power and Interdependence: World Politics in

Transition states that no country is isolated in the

international system. All countries in the world are

connected to each other and related in a system

called complex interdependence system. Based on

Keohane and Nye's statements, it appears that the

international order and interaction patterns can be a

factor determining the behavior patterns of

international actors. International system exploration

can be used to explain it. In analyzing foreign

policy, international system exploration is used

when issues raised involve the benefit of all

countries in the world. When formulating the

country's foreign policy, policy-makers need to

shape their priorities. The most important thing to

emphasize is that policymakers should take into

account how the international environment limits the

options of available realistic policies. In addition,

they should also be able to recognize opportunities

that are present, especially opportunities that can

help secure the interests of their respective countries

(Breuning, 2007).

Valerie Hudson (2007) explains that there are six

attributes in the international system variables. The

first thing to note is the number of actors involved in

the system. The number of actors becomes a crucial

thing because it affects the interaction process that

occurs. The less actors involved, the interaction and

the responses obtained will be easier to synthesize.

Conversely, as more and more actors engage, the

interaction process becomes more complicated by

considering the existing actors. The second attribute

is the distribution of power in the international

system. The type of power distribution within the

ongoing international system can help categorize the

role of the actors involved. This second attribute has

links to the third and fourth attributes that is the

number of major power states involved as well as

the level of adherence to the big country through

formal or informal mechanisms. The link between

these three attributes can be seen from the situation

when the distribution of forces within the

international system is centralized. This shows the

role of dominant actors who generally have great

capabilities that can make other international actors

both state and non-state actors to comply with the

prevailing international system. The fifth attribute is

the role and existence of supranational organizations

while the sixth attribute is the issue discussed.

It is possible to use every available attribute and

offer a hypothesis on the effect of each value in

foreign policy. Maurice East (1978) mentioned that

the greater the number and types of issues contested

in the international system would be directly

proportional to the high bargaining power of a

foreign policy. One approach in analyzing foreign

policy through international system variables can be

done by observing the cycles and transitions that

occur within the international system. George

Modelski (1981) mentions that the international

system undergoes cycle rotation that occurs every

120 years. The beginning of each cycle begins with

the attainment of the great power of a particular

actor and generally resides in the context of the great

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

530

war. According to Modelski, the position of the

country in the first phase of this cycle looks strong

and the great power state in the international system

acts on the common good. The next phase is

illustrated by the destruction and spread of power

caused by the emergence of rival states. The power

monopoly held by great power in the previous stages

is divided into rival states thereby lowering the

hegemon status of the great power state. The

Modelski cycle then continues on the formation of a

multipolar system due to the increasingly spreading

of forces at the poles within the international system.

However, this multipolar system will slowly lead to

conflict and once again the international system

undergoes a great war mechanism, a country with

new powers emerging after the war ends, and the

cycle will revolve again.

The four phases of this cycle consist of (1)

Global War and the emergence of new Great Power

states, (2) World Power, (3) Delegitimization of the

World Power, and (4) Deconcentration of Power to

Other Actors. Each of these stages lasts for thirty

years. Modelski's Long Cycles theory argues that

aspects like politics, the military, and the economy,

especially the process within the international

system, are actually coordinated within the

movement of complex structures. A wave of

political problems and innovations in various fields

coincided with the economic crisis demanding a

rearrangement of the military structure and the

emergence of new actors at the global level

(Modelski, 1981 in Hudson, 2007).

The authors argue that the US decision to pivot

on Asia is based on changes in the ongoing

international system. Entering the 1970s to early

2000s, the level of US dominance at the global level

is relatively declining. The success of post war

restructuring after the end of the Second World War

brought the global order into the multipolar system.

The rise of country with growing capability make

the world's attention no longer centered on the

United States alone. The 9/11 attacks in 2001 then

marked the end of the phase of the United States'

delegitimacy in the international system. Based on

Long Cycles theory initiated by George Modelski

(1981), the international system is currently in the

deconcentration phase. China was present as a rival

of the United States and managed to show the rapid

development in the economic and military by

utilizing the momentum that exists. At this stage, the

reaction of the United States will center on efforts to

maintain power and domination at global level

through contestation. Efforts to maintain the status

of the United States reflected from its foreign policy

in the era of President Barack Obama with a pivot

on Asia. Although the official statement from the

United States government says that this policy is

aimed at rebalancing the global order, referring to

Modelski's theory, the writer views this policy as a

US strategy to suppress the influence and dominance

of China at the international level.

3 THE RISE OF CHINA AND THE

INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM

The end of the Cold War brought a new chapter of

history to many countries in the world. The rapid

development of technology and science and the

growing globalization of the world push the

countries of the world to adapt to the changes. The

rise of China as the world's emerging great power at

the end of the Cold War raises major questions for

security and the international order going forward.

Avery Goldstein (1998) in his Great Expectations:

Interpreting China's Arrival mentions that

academics, observers, and policymakers are

interested in various environmental, human rights,

economic, military, security, and other issues that

shape the international dynamics of the 21st century

must consider China's rise and its implications. The

strength of China's position on a global level is not

surprising. The international outlook on the status of

a great power refers to the fulfillment of three main

indicators comprising ownership of a vast territory,

abundant wealth of resources, and a large

population. China has fulfilled these three indicators

and has also met other requirements to improve its

influence at the international level.

The revolution of the Chinese Communist Party

in the mid-20th century brought new changes in the

internal political dynamics of the country. During

the Cold War, China's new communist leaders

sought to enhance international prestige through

their involvement in international bodies such as the

United Nations Security Council. Despite attempting

to build prestige on a global level, China remained

solely on the limits of the "great power" candidate

due to the inability of the Chinese communist

regime to improve the country's internal conditions.

This condition changed in early 1979 when the

influence of the Soviet Union was internationally

declining, the Chinese communist leaders initiating a

series of new reforms that would result in rapid

growth in terms of both quantitative and qualitative

expansion (Harding, 1987). At the end of the Cold

War, China was ten years old at the economic

United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and Restraining China Inﬂuence

531

takeoff stage while successfully completing the final

puzzle pieces to obtain a great power predicate.

China has economic and expert resources capable of

becoming a leader in the international economy as

well as preparing the foundation of great military

capabilities in the future. Experts and academics

who previously predicted China's strength as great

power in the future began to worry about the

implications it could have on the international order

(Lardy, 1994).

Michael D. Swaine (2011) in his book America's

Challenge: Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty

First Century explains that China's domestic

economy and its involvement in the global economy

contain features relevant to the interests of the

United States. Through these features, it is clear that

China's actions at the global level are also the

reasons why the United States is disturbed as the

great power of the world today. There are seven

features to be discussed in the next explanation:

global interdependence, defense spending, economic

relationships with other major powers, large

surpluses in the economy, high energy demand,

relationships with developing countries, and the

provision of economic assistance and other forms of

assistance (Swaine, 2011). First, note that China's

economic growth depends not only on the pattern of

domestic economic growth but also on international

trade, investment and technology. For example,

between 1980 and 2006, China's international trade

as a proportion in gross domestic product or GDP

grew from 22% to 71%. In addition, the ratio of

imports to China's GDP also increased from 11% in

1980 to 32% in 2007. The same condition is seen in

terms of exports of goods and services which

contribute most of China's GDP (Bergsten et al.,

2006).

The results of China's involvement in the

international economy lead to high levels of Chinese

participation in international economic institutions

and international forums such as the World Bank,

the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World

Trade Organization (WTO), the Asian Development

Bank, the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) and also the G-

20. In addition, China also promotes various

economic and trade agreements in the Asia and

Pacific region. There are seven free trade

agreements (FTAs), two economic partnership

agreements, and an economic cooperation

framework agreement with a total of seventeen

countries and two special administrative regions.

Sixteen of China's nineteen economic agreements

come from countries from Asia and the Pacific

(Swaine, 2011). Based on World Bank (2013) data,

the Asia and Pacific region accounts for about 40%

of the world's total economic growth. The more

aggressive the development of China's economy

suppressed the position of the United States as Asian

Power since the end of World War II.

The second feature of defense spending is

closely linked to China's rapid economic growth and

technological innovations that promote an increase

in China's military modernization programs.

Entering the 2000s, China's defense spending was in

the 12% range. In 2010, according to the Stockholm

International Peace Research Instance (SPIRI),

China spent about 114.3 billion US dollars or 2.2%

of China's total GDP (Swaine, 2011). China

currently ranks both countries with the largest

military spending after the United States. The third

feature deals with China's economic dependence on

international trade that makes it a cooperative

relationship with many major countries. In 2002,

China surpassed the United States as the world's

largest recipient of foreign direct investment. In

2009, China achieved the title as the world's largest

exporter and stepped over Germany as the second

largest trading country after the United States. China

in this case establishes good cooperative relations

with EU countries and enhances the interdependence

of the economy. The success of China then

continued in 2010 successfully overtaking Japan as

the world's second largest GDP country. China's

influence not only covers the countries of Europe

alone but also the big countries in Asia such as

Japan and North Korea are known to have good

relations with the United States. China's economic

maneuver is again a challenge for the United States

to maintain its influence in the Asian region

(Swaine, 2011).

The fourth feature is seen from the large surplus

gained by China. In 2010 alone, China recorded a

surplus of 306.2 billion US dollars. Some

transactions and assets involved in these transactions

use the United States dollar including a trillion

dollar asset from U.S. Treasury and other US dollar-

based assets (Swaine, 2011). In theory, China can

significantly affect the value of the US dollar and

this further adds to the United States' vigilance

against China. Fifth is the magnitude of China's

energy needs to sustain its growth. China's need for

raw materials from other countries such as iron, oil,

steel, and much more is increasing. Based on data

from the International Energy Agency or the IEA,

China is the largest energy consuming nation in

2009 beating the United States. The amount and

tempo of Chinese imports on raw materials and

energy has led many observers to take into account

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

532

that Chinese demand can change prices in global

markets. China's search for easier resources and raw

materials creates stronger ties with countries in

Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, Middle

Asia, and Southeast Asia. This is the sixth feature in

the relevance of China's rise to the world order. In

recent years, China has expanded economic

cooperation with African countries through G-to-G

agreements, exports and imports, natural resource

exploration, and investment. In the Middle East,

China's dependence on oil from Arab countries has

established good economic relations between them.

In 2009, China took over the position of the United

States as a major exporter of Middle Eastern

countries (Bardhan, 2010).

In Latin America, the US hegemony umbrella is

still strong but it does not close the success of China

in spreading its influence. China is currently Brazil's

largest trade partner and Chile and Argentina's

biggest trading partner and Paraguay after Brazil.

The same is true in Central Asia and Southeast Asia.

China since 2009 has become the largest trading

partner of ASEAN countries (Swaine, 2011). In the

seventh feature, China is present as a country that

provides economic aid and other assistance to

developing countries in need. This policy makes

China gain prestige in the international world. These

seven features show how the development of China

in the economic field can affect the dynamics that

occur in the world order. Having been named a

hegemon since the end of the Second World War,

the United States sees China's presence as a

challenge to its position as the World Power (Mudi,

2014). Hence the US foreign policy under President

Obama's administration to get closer to Asia is a

form of response to the changing forces taking place

at the global level.

4 US PIVOT TO ASIA AND THE

RISE OF CHINA

Valerie Hudson's (2007) international system

attributes are entirely illustrated in this situation.

Number of actors involved was remarkable

considering the United States in its policy of

applying it to countries in the Asia and Pacific

region. However, other countries outside the Asia

and Pacific region are also affected indirectly

because of the complex interdependence. Conditions

like these make interaction more complicated by

considering future interests and relationships

between the United States and those countries. US

foreign policy to pivoting Asia is a generalization

that requires further specification when deciding to

do so with certain countries on a bilateral basis. In

addition, there are also attributes of power

distribution in the international system. At this time,

the polarity in the global order is positioned at

multipolar. The power that exists is not centralized

so that the state has its own role in the international

system. The next attribute is number of major power

involved, the position of the United States and China

is able to maintain and monitor the degree of

compliance of other countries in the international

system. The existence of international organizations

as well as the number of issues discussed also

illustrated clearly in US policy to pivot to Asia this.

The international system today has a supranational

organization over a country that accommodates the

interests of many countries in the world. The UN is

one of them. The existence of a major power within

the UN such as a permanent member of the UN

security council for example, is capable of

controlling the degree of compliance of other

member states. In addition, the UN not only focuses

on a single issue in a particular field. There are

various issues discussed and this shows that the

existing international order can be elaborated

through the attributes of the international system by

Valerie Hudson (2007).

Changes in the international order due to China's

rapid development require the United States to

establish foreign policy that can protect its national

interests from external threats. Through the theory of

George Modelski (1981), the authors were able to

analyze that US foreign policy to pivot to the Asian

region is motivated by cycles and transitions within

the international system. The international system is

currently in the deconcentration phase. This phase

marks the emergence of many new actors so that the

international system becomes multipolar. However,

in the midst of this multipolar system, emerging

actors rise and challenging the position of dominant

power. China in this case present as a rival for the

hegemony of the United States. John J. Mearsheimer

(2014) calls China "the most important geopolitical

development of the 21st century" and has predicted

China's economic development will penetrate into the

military which is then used to spread its influence on

the global level. At a conference in New York in

early 2005 titled "Legal Evolution Toward a World

Rule of Law: Development of Legality and

Constitutional Democracy Worldwide", China was

included in the discussion panel as a problematic

case with countries from Africa, the Middle East ,

and Latin America (Peerenboom, 2007).

United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and Restraining China Inﬂuence

533

The problem here is the two views on China. On

the one hand, China opens itself to the outside

world, building up the domestic economy,

infrastructure, and reputation on a global level that is

increasingly creeping up. But on the other hand,

China remains a communist country that ignores the

Western values that have been considered universal

since the end of the Cold War. China has enjoyed

remarkable economic growth without applying

universal universal values that greatly represent the

United States and this is what makes the United

States feel important to determine a strategic move

(Peerenboom, 2007). China has now succeeded in

taking the sympathy of countries in various

continents such as Asia, Middle East, Africa and

Latin America through its economic capabilities.

Various agreements and cooperation have been

made by China and it is only a matter of time before

China slowly presses the position of the United

States as a role model in the international system.

John J. Mearsheimer (2014) mentions that the

United States will seek to prevent China as a world

hegemon. Mearsheimer also added that the pattern

of behavior and actions of the United States against

China today looks similar to what happened between

the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold

War era. To accomplish this, a strategy is needed

that can withhold China from their efforts to use

military force in order to expand its influence in the

international system as well as to balancing through

the formation of alliances with countries close to

China. This strategy is clearly illustrated in the

foreign policy of the United States Pivot to Asia.

5 CONCLUSION

US foreign policy that pivots to Asia can be

explained using the international system variables.

This explanation aims to find out how the response

of a country in dealing with certain issues and

changes at the global level. The United States

decided to issue this policy on the backdrop of

changes occurring in the global order due to some

conditions that affect the United States itself. First

marked by the 9/11 attacks that shocked the world's

public because as the country's strongest hegemon,

the United States still has a big gap in its domestic

security. This incident based on the cycle in Long

Cycles theory by George Modelski signifies the end

of the phase of delegitimization and the beginning of

the deconcentration phase in the international

system. The second event was the economic crisis

that hit the United States in 2008 which then spread

to other countries resulting in a severe global

recession. This further reduces the prestige of the

United States in the eyes of the international. China

on the other hand managed to take advantage of

these momentum to build the image and dignity in

various countries of the world.

Two countries with different ideologies again

compete for influence to various countries in the

world. With the foundation of rapid economic

growth, China successfully established close

cooperation with many countries.China also

managed to gain sympathy and establish good

relations with the Middle East related to

cooperation in the field of economy and energy. The

United States itself has an unfavorable history with

countries in the Middle East ranging from the Yom

Kipur War, the Global War on Terror, to the

Palestinian-Israeli case. It is only natural that the

United States sees this as a threat to its position as a

world power and role model at the global level.

Therefore, through US foreign policy to go to Asia,

the United States hopes to suppress China's

increasingly aggressive development.

Based on the descriptions previously described,

the authors conclude that the decision of the United

States to get closer to Asia can be explained through

the variables of the international system. Knowing

the exact intentions of a country when deciding a

particular foreign policy is difficult to determine.

However, by analyzing the available variables,

fundamental questions such as why a country applies

a particular policy can be answered. Using the

theory of Long Cycles by George Modelski, it can

be concluded that US foreign policy is a form of

response to changes occurring in the international

system. Through this policy, the United States hopes

to get closer to Asian countries to balance and also

reduce the spread of China's strong influence in the

region. The United States sees the Asian continent as

a strategic area of the economy. In addition, the

strong influence of China in the Asian continent also

made the United States paranoid to lose the area

since the end of the Second World War has been

close and dependent on the role model of the United

States. Through the theory of Long Cycles proposed

by George Modelski, the pattern of US movements

in the implementation of Pivot to Asia foreign policy

is not only the writer wants to balance the situation

at the global level as the official statement from the

United States government. There is another interest

in stifling China's increasingly aggressive growth

and challenging the position of the United States as a

world power.

ACIR 2018 - Airlangga Conference on International Relations

534

REFERENCES

Bardhan, Pranab, 2010. Awakening Giants, Feet of Clay:

Assesing the Economic Rise of China and India. New

Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Bergsten, C. Fred, et. al., 2006. The Balance Sheet: What

the World Needs to Know Now About China. New

York: Perseus Books.

Breuning, Marijke, 2007. Foreign Policy Analysis: A

Comparative Introduction. New York: Palgrave

MacMillan

Chow, Peter C. Y., 2014. “Introduction”, in Peter C. Y.

Chow (ed.) The US Strategic Pivot to Asia and Cross-

Strait Relations: Economic and Security Dynamics.

New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

East, Maurice, 1978. “National Attributes and Foreign

Policy”, in Why Nations Act. (ed) M. A. East, S. A.

Salmore, dan C. F. Herman. California: Sage.

Green, John, 2014. The Crash Course US History:

Terrorism, War, and Bush. [video] Tersedia in

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nlsnnhn3VWE

[Accessed 28 Desember 2016].

Goldstein, Avery, 1998. “Great Expectations: Interpreting

China’s Arrival”, in Michael E. Brown et. al. (ed.)

2000. The Rise of China. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Harding, Harry, 1987. China’s Second Revolution.

Washington D.C.: Brooking Institutions.

Hudson, Valerie M., 2007. Foreign Policy Analysis:

Classic and Contemporary Theory. Maryland:

Rowman & Littlefield.

Keohane, Robert O. dan Nye, Joseph, 1977. Power and

Interdependence: World Politics in Transition.

Boston: Little-Brown.

Lardy, Nicholas R., 1994. China in the World Economy.

Washington D.C.: Institute for International

Economics.

Mearsheimer, J. J., 2014. “Can China Rise Peacefully?”,

in The National Interest. [Online] Tersedia in

http://nationalinterest.org/commentary/can-china-rise-

peacefully-10204 [Accessed 9 Januari 2017].

Modelski, George, 1981. “Long Cycles, Kondratieffs, and

Alternating Innovation”, in C. W. Kegley dan P.

McGowan (ed.) The Political Economy of Foreign

Policy Behavior. California: Sage.

Muni, S. D., 2014. “Introduction”, in S. D. Muni dan

Vivek Chadha (ed.) Asian Strategic Review 2014. New

Delhi: Pentagon Press.

Peerenboom, Randall, 2007. China Modernizes: Threat to

the West of Model for the Rest? New York: Oxford

University Press.

Saunders, Phillip C., 2014. “China’s Rising Power, the

U.S. Rebalance to Asia, and Implications for U.S.-

China Relations”, in Issues & Studies, Vol. 50, No. 3,

hal. 19-55.

Swaine, Michael D., 2011. America’s Challenge:

Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty First Century.

Washington D.C.: United Book Press.

World Bank, 2013. East Asia and Pacific Economic

Update, April 2013 – A Fine Balance. [Online]

Tersedia in

http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/04/1

5/east-asia-pacificeconomic- update-april-2013-a-fine-

balance [Accessed 9 Januari 2017].

United States in Asia: Transition in the International System and Restraining China Inﬂuence

535