The Cultural Role on Emotional Competence Development in Early

Childhood

Yettie Wandansari

1,2

, Dewi Retno Suminar

, and Tina Afiatin

Faculty of Psychology, Widya Mandala Surabaya Catholic University, Surabaya - Indonesia

Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya - Indonesia

Faculty of Psychology, Gajah Mada University, Yogyakarta - Indonesia

Keywords: Culture, Emotional Competence, Early Childhood.

Abstract: Emotional competence in early childhood is a multi-dimension construct consists of emotion knowledge,

emotion expression, and emotion regulation. Previous research findings consistently reported emotional

competence as the predictor of the child's school and social competence. One of the factors that are

influencing the development of emotional competence is the cultural context. Culture does not only affect

the way children recognizes his/her own emotion and the emotion of others, but also determine how an

individual expresses emotion and regulates emotion in socially acceptable ways. This literature review aims

to explore previous research findings and theoretical approach of cultural roles on emotional competence,

which can be used as a foundation to develop a culture-based theory of emotional competence and culture-

based interventions to optimize early childhood emotional competence. A number of research articles that

specifically examine the relationship between culture and emotional competence were obtained through

electronic journal articles databases (Proquest, Science Direct, and Google Scholar) in span of time

publication between 2008-2017, with keywords culture and emotional competence, emotional

understanding, emotional expression, and emotional regulation. The findings suggest the cultural role on

emotional competence in early childhood as a developmental context through parental emotion

socialization. Recommendations for further research in methods of assessment dan culture-specific

emotions are discussed.

1 INTRODUCTION

Emotional competence in the context of early

childhood is defined as the ability to express

emotions, regulate emotional expressions and

emotional experiences, and understand the emotions

of oneself and the emotions of others (Denham

1998). Emotionally competence preschoolers are

able to express a variety of emotions, which

increasingly fit into the social-cultural context

(Denham et al., 2016). At that age, they also

experience a decrease in anger, frustration, and

tantrum behavior, as well as learn to direct and

monitor their behavior, express their feelings

verbally, and use language to influence others to

meet their needs and goals, which indicate the

existence of emotional regulation development (La

Freniere, 2000). Preschoolers are also capable of

labelling various feelings of self and others,

demonstrating an understanding of emotional

experiences, and demonstrating the ability to predict

emotional reactions (LaFreniere, 2000).

Emotional competence will help the child's

success in fulfilling the developmental task of

preschool age (Denham et al., 2016). Some

developmental tasks of preschool age are building

positive relationships with the social environment,

managing emotional impulses in social interaction,

staying connected to adults while shifting to peers,

as well as learning skills such as concentrating and

following teacher direction (Denham et al., 2016).

The importance of emotional competence for

children is also supported by some previous studies.

Emotional competence correlated with children's

social competence (Carlo et al., 2012; Denham et al.,

2015; Farina and Belacchi, 2014; Herts, et al., 2012;

McLaughlin et al., 2011). Besides, emotional

competence is also correlated with the child's

academic competence (Denham et al., 2013;

Herndon et al., 2013; Magdalena, 2013).

Wandansari, Y., Suminar, D. and Aﬁatin, T.

The Cultural Role on Emotional Competence Development in Early Childhood.

DOI: 10.5220/0008585600820090

In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Psychology in Health, Educational, Social, and Organizational Settings (ICP-HESOS 2018) - Improving Mental Health and Harmony in

Global Community, pages 82-90

ISBN: 978-989-758-435-0

One of the factors that influence the development

of children's emotional competence is the cultural

context. Unlike the emotional intelligence that is

innate potential, emotional competence is a number

of skills acquired or developed through cultural and

contextual influences (Lau and Wu, 2012). This

article aims to explore previous research findings

and theoretical approach of cultural roles on

emotional competence and its impact on emotional

competence development of early childhood. It is

expected to stimulate further research to develop a

cultural-sensitive framework of emotional

competence and intervention to optimize emotional

competence in early childhood.

1.1 Emotional Competence

Emotional competence is a construct that

encompasses three dimensions, namely

understanding emotions, expressing emotions, and

regulating emotions (Denham, 2016). The first

dimension is emotion knowledge, which includes an

understanding of basic emotions, as well as

emotional expressions, situations, causes, and

consequences, an understanding of more complex

emotions, and using of display rules, mixed

emotions, and more complex emotions such as

shame and guilt (Denham et al., 2007). The second

dimension is emotion expression, which refers to the

specific emotions showed by the child with varying

purposes, and the overall expression of emotions

(Denham et al., 2007). The third dimension is

emotion regulation, which is done by the child when

the child's emotional experience is too severe, or the

child's emotional expression is inconsistent with the

expectations of others, by using physical, cognitive

or behavioral strategies to overcome internal

emotional experiences or external emotional

expression (Denham et al., 2007).

1.2 The Individualistic-versus-

Collectivistic Cultural Framework

Culture values does not only affect the way each

ethnic group identifies emotions, but also how they

express and manage emotions in socially acceptable

ways. Culture would restrict and regulate to whom,

when and where any person may express and

conceal certain emotions, as well as in the way to

express emotions through nonverbal behaviors and

facial expressions (Kurniawan and Hasanat, 2007).

According to Matsumoto et al. (2008a), the role of

culture can be explained by one of dimensions of

Hofstede's cultural values of individualism-

collectivism (IC). IC dimensions have four

attributes, namely self, purpose, relationships, and

determinants of behavior. Individualistic culture

supports independent self-development, emphasizes

personal goals, encourages rationality and

interpersonal relations, and places attitudes as a

determinant of behavior. Free emotional expression

confirms the importance of individuals more than

groups. On the contrary, collectivistic culture

supports an interdependent self, emphasizes group

goals, encourages communal relations, and places

norms as determinants of behavior. In addition, there

is a within-culture diversity, namely interindividual

variability or individual differences in norms of

expression in various contexts and emotions, and

intraindividual variability or variation in individuals

in various contexts and emotions (Matsumoto et al.,

2008a ).

Furthermore, Halberstadt and Lozada (2011)

describe that the culture of collectivism emphasizes

interdependence, group identity, interpersonal

harmony, and the achievement of shared goals;

emotions are characterized by self-control to

promote interpersonal harmony and group goals. In

contrast, the culture of individualism emphasizes

independence, individual identity, personal

assertion, and achievement of personal goals;

emotions are perceived to be unique to the

individual, emotion expressiveness is encouraged,

and emotions are identified on the basis of

subjective experience. Parents with collectivism

cultural backgrounds tend to support the children

individually (see Halberstadt and Lozada, 2011).

Matsumoto et al. (2008) also emphasized that the

cultural display rules are an important concept to

explain cultural differences in emotional expression.

In Indonesia particularly, children would be

expected to control the overt expression of negative

emotions and emotionally driven negative behaviors,

so that they behave in a manner that promotes group

harmony and avoids interpersonal conflict

(Eisenberg , Pidada, and Liew, 2001).

2 METHOD

A number of research articles that examine the

relationship between culture and emotional

competence were obtained through some search

systems for electronic journal articles databases,

such as Proquest, Science Direct, and Google

Scholar in span of time publication between 2008-

2017, with keywords culture and emotional

competence, emotional understanding, emotional

The Cultural Role on Emotional Competence Development in Early Childhood

expression, and emotional regulation. The articles

selection criteria are specifically examining the

relationship between culture and emotional

competence.

3 RESULTS

3.1 Culture and Emotion Recognition

or Emotion Understanding

There is limited amount of cross-cultural research on

emotion recognition or emotion understanding. One

of them is a study of 120 participants from

Germany, Rome, and Indonesia by Jurgens et al.

(2013). They reported that emotion recognition is

influenced by the complex interactions between

universal and cultural factors. They used

conversations that contain angry, sad, happy, and

frightened emotions from German radio. These

conversations are played back by professional

actors, consisting of spontaneous emotional

conversations and acted conversations. The result

indicates that participants from Germany showed

better emotion recognition, but there is no difference

between Romanian and Indonesian in the overall

emotion recognition. In short, these findings confirm

that the cultural-specific differences in emotion

recognition or understanding.

3.2 Culture and Emotion Expression

The results of cross-cultural studies show that there

are cultural-specific differences in emotion

expression. Wilson et al. (2012) compared the

emotional expressions of 180 children aged 6-9

years old from city India, suburban India, and

suburban United States. Compared to US Children,

Indian children are less likely to express their anger,

sadness, and pain. They are also less likely to exhibit

verbal expressions directly. The Indian child states

the reason for controlling angry and sad emotions is

to keep the social norm, while the U.S. child

perceives that express all emotions is to

communicate perceived emotions.

Similarly, Lewis, Takai-Kawakami, and Sullivan

(2010) asserted cultural-specific differences in

emotional expression of preschoolers. They

investigated the emotional responses to success and

failure of 149 Japanese, African American, and

White American mixed European preschoolers. The

results indicate that Japanese children express less

shame, pride, and sadness, but more exposure and

evaluative embarrassment. American children

indicate more evaluative embarrassment. This

finding confirmed that success and failure are

interpreted differently by Japanese preschoolers. The

low amount of sadness and shame expression, and

the limited range of numbers of different expressions

observed in the Japanese children and the children of

East Asian infants and young children differ from

Western infants and children primarily in the display

of negative expressions. These results demonstrate

that cultural differences influence how children

respond to achievement situations.

In addition, Adrianson and Rhamdani (2014)

described the cultural-specific experiences of envy

in two cultures, namely Indonesia and Sweden. The

research findings show that in the Indonesian

language there is a broader envy meaning and

emotional vocabulary that is rarely found in

Swedish. The Swedish's description of envy relates

to a malicious (ill will) meaning, while the Javanese

use the concept of envy without ill will. Jealousy

and envy seem to overlap each other more in Bahasa

Indonesia than in the Swedish. Swedish had

schadenfreude that was lacking in Bahasa Indonesia.

According to the Swedish respondents, the central

feature of envy is wanting to have what other person

possesses, such as prosperity or competence. On the

other hand, the Javanese respondents stress more on

relationships, achievements and personal

characteristics as primary causes for envy.

However, there are also some findings that

indicate inter-cultural similarities as well as culture-

specific differences in emotional expression.

Matsumoto et al. (2008b) involved more than 5,000

respondents in 32 countries completed the Display

Rule Inventory Assessment. They reported that there

are some universal effects, including greater

expression toward in-groups, and an overall

regulation effect. Respondents with a background of

individualistic and collectivistic cultures differed on

expressivity and norms concerning specific emotions

in group situations.

Also, Tsai et al., (2016) examined the effect of

positive and negative emotions on interpersonal and

intrapersonal function at 155 Asian American and 74

European American college students. The results

reported no cultural differences in the tendency to

express positive and negative emotions, or in the

relationship between positive emotional expression

and intrapersonal function. Nevertheless, there are

differences in ethnic groups in the relationship

between the expression of negative emotions and

their functions. In contrast to European American

respondents, Asian Americans respondents with

negative emotional expression show lower

ICP-HESOS 2018 - International Conference on Psychology in Health, Educational, Social, and Organizational Settings

intrapersonal functions. Individuals who have a high

level of interdependence have a positive emotional

expression that correlates with a higher positive

mood, lower interpersonal problems, and lower

depressive symptoms.

Likewise, Novin, Riefe, and Mo (2010) examine

the role of individualistic versus collectivistic goals

and the presence of an authority figure (father)

versus an equal status figure (peer) on 24 Dutch and

23 South Korean children's negative emotions

experience and emotion expression motives. The

results indicate the cultural similarity of the

situational goals and audience and the cultural

differences in their emotional expression. More

specifically, cultural differences in how negative

emotions would be expressed in ‘father’ situations

but not in 'peer' situations. There is also a cultural

difference in children's motives for emotion

expression in situations with collectivistic goals.

Dutch children's emotion expressions are more

context-sensitive than South Korean children.

Also, Safdar et al., (2009) compares emotional

display rules of 835 Canadians, US Americans, and

Japanese university students across as well as within

cultures. The results indicate that Japanese display

rules permit the expression of anger, contempt, and

disgust significantly less than the North American.

Japanese also think that they should express

happiness and surprise significantly less than the

Canadian.

In brief, these results indicate that cultural

context partly explained cultural differences in

emotional expression.

3.3 Culture and Emotion Regulation

Research findings of emotion regulation among

cultures also indicated the differences and

similarities. The cultural differences in emotion

regulation are reported by Arens, Balkir, and

Barnow (2012). They investigated the emotion

regulation of 26 healthy and 25 depressed German

women and 28 healthy and 29 depressed Turkish

immigrants living in Germany. Healthy Turkish

immigrants reported higher balance infrequently

using of suppression and frequently using of

reappraisal, which was associated with more positive

outcomes of expressive suppression. Both of patient

samples showed great use of emotional suppression

than cognitive reappraisal. Results suggest that the

mediating cultural role between emotional

suppression and well-being is associated with

greater emotion regulation balance in healthy

Turkish.

Moreover, Matsumoto, Nakagawa and Yoo

(2008a) confirmed differences of emotion regulation

process across 23 countries. Cultures that

emphasized the maintenance of social order tended

to have higher scores on suppression, and

reappraisal and suppression tended to be positively

correlated. In contrast, cultures that minimized the

maintenance of social order and valued individual

affective autonomy and egalitarianism tended to

have lower scores on suppression, and reappraisal

and suppression tended to be negatively correlated.

Miyamoto, Ma and Petermann (2014) examined

whether there are cultural differences in emotional

regulation based on Eastern belief about negative

emotions after experiencing a negative event on 72

Asian American undergraduates and 41 Asian and

European American undergraduates. By assessing

online reactions of hedonic emotion regulation (i.e.

up-regulation of positive emotions and down-

regulation of negative emotions) to a recent negative

event, the study found that European Americans

were more motivated to engage in hedonic emotion

regulation. The cultural differences in hedonic

emotion regulation is mediated by cultural

differences in beliefs about motivational and

cognitive utility of negative emotions, but not by

self-efficacy beliefs.

Furthermore, Stupar, van de Vijver and Fontaine

(2015) reported a study of how emotion regulation

strategies can be predicted by emotion valence and

intensity in 389 Dutch majority members and

members of five immigrant groups, i.e. Turkish and

Moroccan, Antillean and Surinamese, Indonesian,

Western and other non-Western immigrants. The

research results confirmed that emotion regulation

strategies were significantly and similarly correlated

to emotional valence and intensity across the groups.

Negative emotions were more reappraised and

suppressed than positive emotions. Emotional

intensity was positively related to social sharing and

negatively related to reappraisal and suppression.

The Dutch majority group scored higher on emotion

valence than Turkish and Moroccan immigrants.

Also, the Dutch majority group scored lower on

reappraisal than all non-Western groups, and lower

on suppression than Turkish and Moroccan

immigrants.

To summarize, these findings demonstrate that

cultural context affect emotion regulation.

3.4 Culture and Emotion Socialization

The ability to regulate emotion is learned within a

developmental context, such as family situations and

The Cultural Role on Emotional Competence Development in Early Childhood

relationship (Matsumoto et al., 2008a). The

socialization process takes place throughout

children's development, even since the infant stage,

through the way parents communicate and calm

down their infants, which further develop the infant's

ability to recognize and to respond the facial

emotional expression (Halberstadt and Lozada,

2011).

There are three possible mechanisms of emotion

socialization mechanisms stated by Halberstadt (in

Denham et al, 1997). They are modeling,

contingency, and coaching. The first mechanism

according to Halberstadt is modeling, states that the

ways parents express emotions implicitly teach

children about emotions that are expected and

acceptable in the family, as well as how to express

and regulate emotions. The second mechanism

according to Halberstadt is contingency, stating that

the response of parental support will help children to

maximize the expression of positive emotions, to

minimize the expression of negative emotions, and

to distinguish among emotions. The third

mechanism according to Halberstadt is coaching,

stating that the ways parents teaches emotions

contribute to the child's emotional expression and

emotional reaction to their peers.

The results of cross-cultural studies show the

differences among cultures in emotion socialization.

Camras et al., (2009) compared emotional

expression within 40 European American, 39

Chinese American and 36 Mainland Chinese

mothers of 3-year-old. European American mothers

reported more positive emotional expression than

Mainland Chinese mothers. There are no significant

differences for negative emotional expressions.

Results of this study confirm the cultural differences

in mothers' emotional expressivity.

Further, Chen et al. (2014) examined the

emotional expression of parents in the family in 252

foreign-born Chinese American immigrant parents

by using self-reported emotional expressivity and

observed emotional expression during a parent-child

interaction task. Results showed that parents’ self-

reported expressivity was only related to their own

reports of children’s regulation, however parents’

observed emotional expression was related to both

parents’ and teachers’ reports of children’s

regulation. These results suggest that self-reported

expressivity and observed emotional expression

reflect different constructs and have differential

relations to parents’ cultural orientations and

children’s regulation.

In addition, Keller and Otto (2009) examine

families in two environments represent different

sociodemographic contexts, i.e. an ethnic group of

rural Cameroon villagers in Northwest Cameroon

and German urban middle-class families in Southern

Germany. The emotional socialization strategy of

the Nso aims for early emotional control with

emphasis on the negative emotion suppression,

while German urban middle-class parents emphasize

the expression of emotions, especially instantiating

and maintaining positive emotions. Emotional

control from an early age is considered as part of a

self-definition and relatedness is regarded as the

developmental organizer; early emotional

expressiveness is acknowledged as part of a self-

definition and autonomy is examined as the

developmental organizer. Related with family

context, Gao and Han (2016) examined the effect of

family expressiveness on children's emotional

development in the context of familial risks.

Participants were 178 school-aged children and their

parents. The results show that the familial risk index

is related positively to emotional dysregulation and

negatively to adaptive emotion regulation, mediated

by positive family expressiveness.

In summary, these findings confirm that cultural

context contribute to cultural differences in

emotional socialization.

4 DISCUSSION

Based on previous studies on culture and emotional

competence, it can be known that there are

differences among cultures in emotional recognition

or emotion understanding, emotion expression, and

emotion regulation. Those findings support the

cultural model of interdependence and the cultural

model of independence (Trommsdorff and

Rothbaum, 2008). They stated that in a cultural

model of interdependence, emotion regulation

centers on socially engaging emotions, on the well-

being of other persons, and on maintaining group

harmony. In contrast, in a cultural model of

independence, emotion regulation centers on

socially disengaging emotions, on self-esteem, and

on individuals' well-being. The development of

emotion regulation in non-Western cultures is

related to empathy, interpersonal accommodation,

and norm orientation. The development of emotion

regulation in Western cultures is related to autonomy

and self-expression.

Besides, those previous findings are in line with

the relational-cultural model and the autonomous

cultural model (Keller and Otto, 2009). A relational

cultural model views the individual as part of a

ICP-HESOS 2018 - International Conference on Psychology in Health, Educational, Social, and Organizational Settings

social system, in particular the family, maintains a

harmonious relationship, accepts hierarchy primarily

of age and gender, upholds cooperation and

conformity, and identifies social roles. On the other

hand, an autonomous cultural model views

individual as competitive, unique, self-reliant,

assertive, and have personal opinions. Furthermore,

individualistic or collectivistic cultural values related

to emotion are transmitted to children through

parental emotion socialization. Parents play a

significant role in the development of the emotional

competence of children through the process of

emotion socialization.

However, there are still some inconsistencies in

cross-cultural research findings on emotional

competence. Many works of literature confirm the

existence of inter-cultural similarities in recognition

of basic emotions and situational antecedents of

emotion, and cultural variations in the way people

conceptualize, control and communicate emotions as

well (Wilson et al., 2012). In addition, culture is

dynamic and can change over time, so that the

effects of globalization can cause a shift in the

cultural dimension, so that individuals from a culture

can absorb values and thought patterns from other

cultures, which then lead to changes in the origin

culture or variations in culture (Hashim, 2016).

Also, one thing that seems related to the

inconsistencies of research results is assessment

issues. There are rich variations of instruments used

to measure emotional competence. To measure

emotion recognition, researchers used the test

(Jurgens et al., 2013). Emotional expression was

measured using self-report on questionnaire

(Adrianson and Rhamdani, 2014), daily diary

surveys (Tsai et al., 2016), Emotional

Expressiveness Questionnaire (Tsai et al., 2006),

child emotion interviews with hypothetical vignettes

(Novin, Riefe, and Mo, 2010; Wilson et al., 2012),

games and observations (Lewis, Takai-Kawakami

and Sullivan, 2010), and self-report on the Display

Rule Assessment Inventory (Matsumoto et al.,

2008b). The instruments used to measure emotion

regulation are Emotion Regulation Questionnaire

(Matsumoto, Nakagawa, and Yoo, 2008a; Arens,

Balkir, and Barnow, 2012; Stupar, van de Vijver,

and Fontaine, 2015), and assessment of online

reaction to a recent negative event and retrospective

memory of reactions to a past negative event

(Miyamoto, Ma, and Petermann, 2014). While

emotion socialization is measured by a self-report on

Self-Expressiveness in the Family Questionnaire

(Camras et al., 2009; Chen et al., 2014), interview

(Keller and Otto, 2009), self-report on Family

Expressiveness Questionnaire (Gao and Han, 2016),

self-report on Display Rule Assessment Inventory

(Safdar et al., 2009), parents' observed emotional

expression (Chen et al., 2014), and Child Behavior

Questionnaire (Chen et al., 2014).

However, as a multi-dimension construct,

emotional competence should be assessed with

battery-tests (Denham et al., 2016). Each dimension

should be assessed with multi-methods as well, such

as self-report, teacher report, and observation as

well. Further research is needed to obtain more

consistent results.

One of the limitations of this literature review is

including only a few research articles with young

children participants. Further longitudinal and cross-

sectional research is needed to further clarify the

cultural context of emotional competence throughout

the lifespan from early childhood to adulthood. Next

research can also explore the culture-specific

emotion vocabularies to bring a more

comprehensive perspective on the cultural context of

emotional competence development. For example,

Suswandi et al. (2017) examine sad emotion in

Javanese. In the Javanese language, there are rich

variations in the use of sad emotion vocabulary, and

each vocabulary contains slight meaningful

difference. In terms of lexical semantics, it was

found 15 Javanese vocabularies of sad emotions.

Some of them are karantaranta means to grieve, be

in a sorrowful; ngĕrĕs means 'so sad'; nglangut

means 'so sad', nlangsa means 'heartbroken, crushed

with grief or hardship'; ngĕnĕs means 'so sad';

rudatin means 'sad, sorrowful, worried'. Therefore,

indigenous research related to emotional competence

and emotion socialization need to be explored.

5 CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

In conclusion, the cultural role on emotional

competence in early childhood is as a developmental

context. Through parental emotion socialization,

cultural values are transmitted to children from an

early age, which is the foundation for the

development of emotion expressions, emotion

understanding, and emotion regulation of children.

Most of the previous findings support the

relationship of cultural models of interdependence

and the cultural model of independence with

emotional competence dimensions. However, there

are still inconsistencies in the results of cross-

cultural research on emotional competence, which

The Cultural Role on Emotional Competence Development in Early Childhood

may be related to the dynamics of culture and

assessment issues.

Some recommendations for further research are

to use multi-methods of assessment, to extend the

age range of participants from early childhood to

adulthood through a combination of longitudinal and

cross-sectional methods, and to explore the culture-

specific emotion vocabularies to bring a more

comprehensive perspective on the cultural context of

emotional competence development.

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