Sultan in the History of Ternate

1946-2002

Syawal Abdulajid

and Rustam Hasim

Pancasila and Civics Education Study Program, Khairun University, Ternate

Keyword: Political history, Ternate sultanate, National and local politics.

Abstract: This research is historical research concerning politic activities which is involving Sultanate by using

historical method from heuristic to histography methods. This process requires analysis tools by using

politics science concept to assist the extend study. The sources used in this research consisted of written

and interview sources. This research conclude that politic participation of Sultanate in Ternate in local and

national politic arena has experiencing tide and decrease as the impact of national politic system

transformation. The advantage of this research is capable to add and complete reference materials in

Indonesian history documenting, particularly local history in North Maluku. This writing is expected to be

able to give contemplation contribution for Ternate Sultanate elite and regional government in formulating

political policies that are able to accommodate wider importance without according to certain ethnic

importance.

1 INTRODUCTION

This paper investigates the phenomena the return of

the Sultan of Ternate in the arena of local politics

after the independence of Indonesia in 1945. Before

independence the territory of Indonesia, there are

approximately 250 local self-governments

(Zelbestuurendelandschappen). Most of the

autonomous regions did not left any spots

(artefacts). Only a few of them still exists politically

such as Yogyakarta, Surakarta, Cirebon Sultanate,

the Sultanate of Ternate and even some do some

efforts to revive and re-establish through a new

partnership under the umbrella of the Alliance of

Sultans from the Archipelago. (AAG Ari

Dwipayana, 2004: 8).

The existence Sultanate of Ternate since post-

independence until now shows that the Sultan of

Ternate owns a significant political role in every

periodization of local political history in Indonesia.

During the reign of Sukarno and Suharto regime, the

Sultans of Ternate had always struggled to survive

against treat the crisis of being pressured by the

central government. They were able to maintain

their position as a central political role model amidst

the fast social changes. The endurance of the elites

from member of Sultanate does not only limited to

how they adapt to environmental changes, but they

also have been able to follow the rhythm of political

dynamic by playing an important role in

strengthening their influence and determining the

direction and motion of these changes.

However, the political participation of Sultan of

Ternate at the national level did not always run

smoothly. Differences in political ideology made

them undergoing certain restrictions. The pressure

and difficulties experienced by the previous led the

later Sultan changed the political strategy by turning

to support the government in other periods. Political

reality show that when the Sukarno were in power,

the elite Sultanate of Ternate suffered "political

restriction". The Sultan Iskandar Djabir Shah opted

to support the establishment of the State of East

Indonesia (NIT), initiated by Herbertus J. van Mook

in 1946. This support implicated his exile to Jakarta

in 1950, for accusing as a federalist leader.

However, the de-legitimation of the Government of

Sukarno did not diminish the political existence of

the elite from the sultanate at the local level. The

intervention of the central government did not affect

the fall of power of elite palace. Culturally, the

palace still wins the hearts of the people as the

central model of communal life.

The continuity of the political elite of the

sultanate remains after the fall of the Sukarno

Abdulajid, S. and Hasim, R.

Sultan in the History of Ternate 1946-2002.

DOI: 10.5220/0008897800810086

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Teaching and Learning (ICTL 2018), pages 81-86

ISBN: 978-989-758-439-8

regime. The appearance of Mudafar Shah as a

replacement figure of the previous sultan played a

new role in politics in North Maluku. His insistence

to recover the relationship with the central

government was symbolized by his support to

support Golkar (government) as his base power. By

doing this, he gained political empowerment during

Suharto’s regime. The fact shows, since his

Inauguration as the 48th Sultan of Ternate on

November 29, 1976, Mudafar Syah took a political

decision to support the Suharto government party

(Golkar).

The fall of the New Order regime in 1998 and

switched to the Reformation era even opened wider

space for the local political elite, including the

Sultanate of Ternate elite to compete locally. The

Act No. 22 of 1999 on regional autonomy

symbolized the momentum of the rise of elite

Sultanate of Ternate, previously dominated by

Soeharto’s government, to build a power which

based on the sultan’s historical and cultural identity.

The elevation of the power in post-New Order

describes how people from the palace play new roles

to remain in his position local arena as the most

powerfull local people. In this case the emergence of

elite from the local palace can be interpreted at least

on three points: first, it is defined as the rise of

feudal power in the region to strengthen its political

position which based on cultural construction of

historical and genealogical similarities. Second, the

individual rise of the Sultan MudafarSyah, the

Sultan of Ternate exercised the charisma of the

palace, and third, the intention of the Sultan can not

be separated from the desire of the Sultanate in

various regions in Indonesia for more institutionally

accommodated into the political stage of a formal

power (Maryanto Tryatmoko, 2005: 86).Based on

the above background, the main problem focused on

this paper is how the political strategy was taken by

the Sultan Ternate in maintaining his political

existence as the main people in local politics in the

period 1946-2002.

2 SULTAN OF TERNATE AT

SOEKARNO ERA 1945-1966

Politically, the proclamation of independence of the

Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945 is the

birth of a unitary state, yet for the Sultanate of

Ternate, this momentum is the beginning of the

collapse of feudalism institution. During this era,

ideological and political upheaval of the nobles

(traditional authority) was challenged by nationalist

group. The glorious power inherited by the noble

which had confronted with Dutch colonial power

during the colonialization again faced another new

form of ideological power which endangered the

position the palace. This new form of power swept

away the local power and forced the people to show

their loyalty only to the state, not to the palace. This

new ideological power also separated from public

services and position according to the modern

governance. As a result, the traditional positions was

removed and changed into a new system. The Sultan

did not directly become the governor of a province

or a major of a regency, he has to go through

political competition represented by political party.

Since then the power is no longer genealogically

inherited but achieved through competition.

Historical fact shows the political participation

elite Sultanate of Ternate in the unitary state had

started since the beginning of the independence of

the Republic of Indonesia. This participation was

marked by the establishment of the State of East

Indonesia (NIT) on December 24, 1946. The

establishment of the State of East Indonesia became

a political inspiration for Sultan Iskandar

Muhammad Jabir Shah (the 47

Sultan of Ternate)

to participate in the congress as a member of the

senate representing the NIT of North Maluku, and

by involving in the Malino conference and Denpasar

as a member of the senate representing North

Maluku as well as one designer of the NIT. As a

federalist who struggled to figure out a form of a

State of East Indonesia both in the Malino

conference and in the Denpasar, in1949, Jabir

Iskandar Shah was appointed as a Minister of home

affairs in the cabinet NIT J.E. Tatengkeng (27

December 1947-14 March 1950).

Political reality shows that when the Sukarno

was in power, the elite of the Sultanate of Ternate

faced political limitations. The political decision of

Sultan Ternate 47th Djabir Iskandar Shah (1929-

1975) in supporting the establishment of the State of

East Indonesia (NIT), initiated by Herbertus J. van

Mook in 1946, implicated to his exile to Jakarta in

1950, for being accused as a federalist. His different

views from the central government regarding the

form and system of new Indonesian government in

post-independence Indonesia led him not to support

any ruling parties during in the election in 1955.

This decision surely did not give any benefits to

them regarding the position because they are forced

to confront both their political rivalry and national

forces.

ICTL 2018 - The 1st International Conference on Teaching and Learning

The confrontational attitude of Elites from

Ternate palaces encouraged the President issued a

number of policies to limit their political roles, such

as; First, the elimination of kings council (executive

body), consisting of the Sultan of Ternate, Tidore

and Bacan and Noord Molukken Raat (legislature)

which supported federalism in 1950. As a

consequence, the sultanate had no longer a formal

legal instrument in influencing local government.

Their control of the bureaucracy was replaced by

majors from regents chosen by Parliament. Second,

the elimination of the residency of Ternate and the

establishment of the North Maluku regency levels,

based on the law. No. 60 1958. Consequently, ruler

at level of regency was no longer have to be held by

the Sultan and his family but was chosen through

elections in the format of modern politics. The third

implication is the birth of the Basic Agrarian Law

1960 on restrictions of land ownership or the

takeover of land by the state against the autonomous

lands.

During the reign of Sukarno, the Sultanate elite

encountered political crisis. Their confrontational

attitude by refusing to support the Republic of

Indonesia (GoI) and the government party (PNI)

raises the question why the President did not destroy

their political existence in the realm of local politics

in Ternate. Did some of the above political policies

influence their existence in political struggle

inTernate or otherwise? In fact, although they

experienced political restrictions, culturally this

restriction did not give any impact on the decline of

the power elite of the empire. This condtion was

supported by one of the values entrenched in society

within Ternate that they uphold the word or the

command of Sultan expressed in a local wisdom

gauze jou semboyang Ngom Kage (where the Sultan

is, there we are).

In the culture of Ternate, the sultan is respected

and obeyed because it is believed to be inherited

greatness and authority that bring peace, justice and

wellbeing. This also explains that peace, justice and

prosperity are key words that put the noble are so

important in the eyes of the people. Social relations

are not merely a patron-clein, but basically it reflects

the cultural characteristics of society that are specific

to maintain the relationship between the community

and the leadership of the social traditions Ternate.

This is reflected in a saying which is still living

within the community in Ternate "inofoma Makati

nyinga, Dokagosora se bualawa, omdoro yes

momote, fomagogorufomadudara" (let us take care

each aother, like nutmeg and its fuli, ripe together,

fall together, based on love and affection).

3 SULTANATE OF TERNATE IN

THE SUHARTO

GOVERNMENT ERA 1966- 1998

Entering the New Order era, the national political

map underwent fundamental changes. Golkar,

Suharto's political vehicle tried to work together

with the traditional powers in Indonesia. In this

changing political constellation, the Sultanate of

Ternate took a political choice by supporting Golkar.

Since the Inauguration of the 48th Sultan of Ternate,

on 29 November 1976, Mudafar Syah took political

decision to support Suharto’s government party

(Golkar). This support is understood as a strategy for

accommodation and surviving amidst the bouyant of

power centralized New Order government.

Even before becoming a Sultan, Mudafar Syah

had become functionaries of Golkar Party at the

beginning of the Soeharto government. This gave

him a chance to be a legislator at II level of local

government during the elections in 1971. By this

support, he had legitimized political power to

contribute to the development of government in

running their policies. In this case, by popular is

given freedom and opportunity to choose policies

offered by political parties in accordance with their

political preferences, including choosing those

deemed worthy performed those the policies.

Strategies used surveilance elite Sultanate of

Ternate support Golkar awakening mutuality

relationship. The presence of some members of the

nobility who occupied structures in the palace and

has their influence in the community utilized to

support programs of political parties, including

providing access to strategic positions in

government.

Since the Sultanate of Ternate participated into

Golkar Party, at the beginning of the Suharto

government, Golkar always posed as a dominant

party and won every election during the New Order

era. If in the previous election (1955), Muslim

parties dominate the vote like Masjumi (45 percent)

and Parkindo (22 percent), in 197, government

party, Golkar, turned to win the majority, and

Islamic party became a dominated one. With the

support of the bureaucracy and military networks,

Golkar won the most votes in the 1971 elections.

In that period, the elite of the Sultanate did not

just rely on what they believe that they are the centre

of a fad, but also using the strategy to expand and

strengthen its power.

In this case there are three survival strategies

used by elite empire to rebuild the base power

Sultan in the History of Ternate 1946-2002

during the Suharto government era. The first

strategy is building alliance with the ruling party.

Learning from the failure of political decision,

Mudafar Syah took the political decision to support

the Suharto government party (Golkar). This

strategy had supported him to be a legislators at

North Maluku district in 1977, a Golkar member of

Parliament from 1982 to 1987, members of the

Assembly of Representatives from 1987 to 1992 and

chairman of the Golkar DPD II North Maluku

district from 1992 to 1998. Through this party, he

also was able to be the head of parliament of North

Maluku District from 1996 to 1999. This strategy

was not taken by the Sultan alone, the same startegy

also was played by several elites of the archipelago.

Through this party, they organize his political career

as a legislative member, academics, bureaucrats,

politicians, journalists and businessmen. These roles

were never been experienced by elite in the

Government of the Sultanate of Sukarno.

Second, in the cultural arena, the elite Sultanate

of Ternate has arrived some ceremonies to revive

ritual in the palace such as Kololi Kie (ritual around

the island), Fere Kie (ritual mountain climbing), and

Legu Gam (sultan's birthday). These palace rites

intend to shows the splendour of the Sultanate

because it has been a source of cultural legitimacy

that the palace has a magical power, sacred and a

symbol of authority. In the same period, the elite

sultanate also expanding kinship network to give an

honorary degree to the officials or former officials of

both central and local levels. By using of this

political kinship, all of the social and political

elements officially became part of the relatives of

the Sultanate of Ternate. This condition, of course,

has logical consequences both economically,

politically and culturally. This step is done as a

political culture by making the palace as a centre

carrier, preservation and cultural development centre

in the land of Ternate.

Third, in the economic arena. To survive

economically, in addition to rely on the land owned

by the palace, elite sultanate’s job orientation was

slightly changes. During the period of Soekarno

government, they simply absorbed within the

government bureaucracy. However, in Soeharto

government, besides there were some still opting in

state bureaucracy sector, some of them started to go

into the non-bureaucratic or plunge into the world of

business, building relationships with external

parties, particularly the business elite with Chinese

descendants, Javanese and Bugis Makassar traders,

as well as building relationships with the local

government. As a result, the palace received funds

routinely from the government to cover the

household expenses and reservation of the palace

buildings.

4 ELITE SULTANATE OF

TERNATE IN THE

REFORMATION ERA 1998-2002

The rise of Sultanate of Ternate in line with the new

paradigm of regional autonomy is interesting

movement to study. With the regulation of Law

No.22 / 1999, the state has given are cognition to the

Sultanate’s original rights, and then has been utilized

by the elite of the Sultanate of Ternate to build a

base of authority over claims of historical and

cultural origins. The effort of Sultan of Ternate

Mudafar Syah in the local political arena to revive

rituals and ceremonial custom is related the

revivalism of feudal symbols as powerful political

identities. This is part of strategy as an effort taken

to keep the elite institutionally accommodated into

the political stage a formal government.

The implementation of decentralization has made

local political struggle is interesting to observe. One

of the "product" of the reform is the division of

many regions in Indonesia into smaller local

government. One of them is the division of Maluku

province into many new provinces. North Maluku is

one division and become (the 27th province) under

Law No. 46 years l999. The birth of the Act also

seen as an opportunity to realize the aspirations that

had hampered due to political centralisation during

New Order regime, namely the desire to own a local

leader agreed upon by the people. The main reason

is that the "sons of the soil" during the period of the

Soeharto government never got the chance to lead

the region. Governors and Regents always appointed

by the Government in the capital, so that their

policies were not rooted in local communities.

This historical experience has pushed elite of

Sultanate to take part in the "local movement" to

demand the North Maluku province separation from

the Moluccas. When the central government (the

Habibie government) responded by the enactment of

Law No. 46, 1999, the Sultan of Ternate Mudafar

Syah did not only became a symbol, but also he

intend to pose the governor position. The

resurrection of the Sultanate of Ternate elite post-

New Order, according to Gerry van Klinken was

based on first, symbolic revival of an entity that was

torn down and left devastated at the Old Order and

New Order. Since the Old Order to the New Order,

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the Sultanate of Ternate elite was not an important

part in the field of government (executive) either in

regency or in province.

The formation of North Maluku Province was in

fact followed by the awakening of Ternate Sultanate.

One of the implications of this condition is the effort

of Sultan Mudafar Syah to reopening royal

instruments in order to seek the legitimacy of the

role of the Sultan. The competition between those

from the elite of non-sultanate Ternate and those

from non-elite did not limit on the struggle for the

interests of the new resources, but also on social

memory of a glorious past. The severe political

interests and differences of interests in contesting the

sources of power of local level became a trigger in a

conflict of the election of the head of one region in

North Maluku.

Of the various problems in the mentioned above,

sultan political participation looks so complex since

North Maluku expansion into new provinces under

Law No. 46/1999. There are some important notes

that need to be promoted. First, the resurrection of

the Sultanate of Ternate had given serious impacts

on local democracy meaning. His participation

which should have become one indication of local

democracy in fact has encouraged the widespread of

mass mobilization. As a result, the competition was

no longer rational to use the feudal forces. This

condition eventually worsened democratization at

the local level. Rivalry and competition then led to

the formation of groups which based on memories of

the part, ethnicity and even religion.

Second, by participating in governor candidacy,

Sultan of Ternate in North Maluku governor tried all

his efforts to empower himself by using his feudal

powers that were previously constrained by the

dominance of the New Order government. Although

Sultan Mudafar Shah failed in his candidacy for

Governor of North Maluku, because it is not backed

by the Golkar Party, it did not discourage him to

participate in political arena. His disappointment to

Golkar Party was expressed by showing his support

and participation in National Democratic Party

(PDK). PDK successfully brought him to Jakarta as

a member of the house of representative in 2004-

2009.

Third, the reform era, the political strategy took

the Sultanate of Ternate are more varied. They

consist of political parties and of strengthening and

expansion of the cultural politics of kinship

networks. In addition, he participated in political

alliances through palaces Communication Forum in

Indonesia (FKKKI).

5 CONCLUSION

This experiment proved that throughout its history,

the Sultanate of Ternate elite had never lost its

political legitimacy at the local level, and even at a

certain period and the political context. Both the

Sultan were able to play a significant role at the

national level. As one of the traditional powers that

are still alive since the beginning of independence

until today, the existence of elite from Sultanate is

supported by custom. This partly gives the Sultan

political position as a role model in the center of the

heart of community life even though he stayed in the

capital which is far away from the local region. The

sustainability of Sultanate of Ternate elites shows

that their prevailing political role does not only limit

to how they adapt to environmental changes, but

also they are able to have a decisive influence on the

political activities both local and national levels.

As a historical reality, the ability of Sultan

to survive in the local politics was influenced by the

belief of the people that it is the noble who is

genealogically legitimate to rule Ternate. In the

modern era, this legitimacy is socialized through

various ceremonies conducted by the palace. This

continuous socialization in turn generates public

believe regarding the advantages and privileges of

the nobility. Thus it generates a sense of obedience

and inner peace as well as social welfare. As a

central role model manifested in the government and

bureaucracy in Ternate, the noble occupy important

positions in local government structures in the city

of Ternate.

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