The Structure and Context of Justice in Indonesian Shi‘i Discourses

Z. Zulkifli

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia

Keywords: structure, context, justice, Shi‘i discourse, Indonesia

Abstract: Justice, a universal problem of human being, becomes important to the Shi‘is in Indonesia not only because

of its fundamental doctrine in Shi‘i theology but also due to the minority status of the Shi‘i group amidst the

overwhelming Sunni majority. This paper is aimed to uncover the structure and context of justice within the

Indonesian Shi‘i discourses by using structural analysis and connecting its universal character to the political,

social, and religious contexts. The study is based on the content analysis of available sources on the two Shi‘i

organizations: IJABI (the Indonesian Council of Ahli Bayt Associations) and ABI (Ahl al-Bayt of Indonesia).

The paper uncovers that the structure of binary oppositions of justice-injustice, justice-oppression or justice-

tyranny and binary pairs of imamate-justice, Shi‘is-the oppressed or Shi‘ism-pure Islam has been dominant

in the Indonesian Shi‘i discourses of justice. The application of the structural model is relevant to political,

social, and religious contexts. While adaptation strategies are used with regard to the political context,

rapprochement is applied to contribute to harmonious social relations. However, the politics of authenticity

emphasizing the authenticity of Shi‘ism over Sunnism is remarkable regarding the religious context. Thus,

the universal structure of justice is applied in particular contexts.

1 INTRODUCTION

The Shi‘i minority has placed the teaching of justice

in a very high position not only because justice is a

fundamental doctrine in the Shi‘i theology but also it

is related to its minority status among the Sunni

majority in Indonesia. The concept of justice is

frequently emphasized in religious sermons and Shi‘i

writings. To side with or to empower the oppressed

has been a very famous slogan or vision in Shi‘i

institutes and organizations. The need to side with the

oppressed originates from the experiences of the

Shi‘is themselves as a minority religious group. The

goal of this paper is to uncover the structure and

context of justice within the Indonesian Shi‘i

discourses. The structural anthropology is the

approach to uncover, in a systematic way, deep and

fundamental structures underlying various social,

cultural, and religious phenomena. The structure in

this approach is the model that is used to comprehend

social, cultural, and religious phenomena. “In

structuralist theory, the whole is seen as greater than

the sum of the parts, and most whole can be broken

down by appeal to the idea of distinctive features or

binary oppositions” (Barnard, 2004). In Levi-Struss’

structural anthropology which attempted to search for

the structure of all possible structures representing the

culmination of the principle of psychic unity or

‘collective unconscious’, structure is actually the

structure of ideas which is built on a rational

foundation (rather than empirical reality) which is

universal in nature. Unlike the general trend of

structural analysis, in this paper the universal

character of structure is combined with political,

social, and religious contexts in order to obtain the

historical and contextual analysis of the discourse. The

paper is based on a library study on the two mass Shi‘i

organizations: IJABI (Ikatan Jamaah Ahlul Bait

Indonesia, the Indonesian Council of Ahli Bayt

Associations) established on 1 July 2000 and ABI

(Ahlulbait Indonesia, Ahl al-Bayt of Indonesia)

established on 27 July 2010 through the content

analysis of their websites and written products,

particularly with regard to the Ashura

commemoration.

2 JUSTICE IN SHI‘ISM

At the outset it should be emphasized that the concept

of justice in Shi‘ism can only be fully comprehended

from the Shi‘i worldview or perspective of Islam. The

concept of resistance and opposition to tyranny and

fighting for a just cause is deeply entrenched in

1534

Zulkiﬂi, Z.

The Structure and Context of Justice in Indonesian Shi‘i Discourses.

DOI: 10.5220/0009931415341541

In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Recent Innovations (ICRI 2018), pages 1534-1541

ISBN: 978-989-758-458-9

Shi‘ism. Even the spirit of resistance and opposition

can be perpetuated in the fullest degree in Shi‘ism.

Although justice is considered very important in

Sunnism, justice, or exactly divine justice, is a

fundamental of Shi‘i denomination in addition to

other four: the Oneness of God, prophethood,

imamate, and resurrection. The Shi‘is place great

emhasis on divine justice as one of God’s attributes,

arguing that God cannot act in an unjust manner

because of his just nature. This is also in accord with

the Shi‘i emphasis on the role of rationality (‘aql)

because rationality can distinguish justice from

injustice in every aspect of human being. In Buku

Putih Mazhab Syiah (White Book of Shi‘i

Denomination) published by the Ahl al-Bayt of

Indonesia (ABI), a national Shi‘i mass organization,

it is written that with regard to the principle of Divine

Justice, the Shi‘is believe that God is just. He never

and will never commits injustice or does anything that

is deemed badly by common sense to all His

creatures. Therefore, they believe that man has free

will in his action and receives the consequence of all

of his actions because God has given him freedom.

Without exceptions, good deed will receive reward

while bad deed will receive punishment. God’s

judgement of man’s actions is in accord with His

Justice (Tim ABI, 2012).

In addition, the teaching of justice is closely

connected to the doctrine of imamate which sets

Shi‘ism apart from Sunnism. Imamate-justice is a

very relevant binary pair in Shi‘ism. As Shariati, an

ideologue of the Iranian revolution, has said: “Islam

without justice and Imamate is the same as the

religion of Islam minus Islam” (Shariati, 1971). The

position of the twelve imams in Shi‘ism, particularly

Imam Ali and Imam Husayn, is seen as a

representation of the teaching of justice. The Shi‘is

see the figure of Ali, the first Imam in Shi‘ism and the

fourth caliph in Sunnism, as the manifestation of a

justice which acommodates the oppressed. “Imam

Husayn is recognized as a prominent figure of justice,

steadfast in his beliefs, upholding dignity, freedom

fighter who led one of the most significant

revolutions in human history. He sacrified his life, the

life of his family members and friends to fight against

injustice and oppression” (Majulah Ijabi, 2014). In

general, the Shi‘i Imams have become role models for

the quest for justice because of their opposition to

injustice and tyranny. The Ahl al-Bayt which is

another inclusive term for Shi‘ism is cosidered a

symbol of justice against any tyrannical and

oppressive actions although its leaders and followers

have experienced such actions. Therefore, justice is

usually understood as a dividing issue between

Sunnism and Shi‘ism and this sectarian framework

has been the most common framework in the struggle

for power in the Middle East until now.

The teaching of justice is even more closely

related to the belief in Imam Mahdi which is shared

by both Sunnis and Shi‘is and this is similar to the

popular messianic concept of Ratu Adil (Just King)

promoting the idea of the coming of a figure who will

bring justice and prosperity in Java. For Shi‘is, the

recognition of the existence of Imam Mahdi and

awaiting for his return are very important aspect of

religious piety. Imam Mahdi is believed to come to

restore the absolute justice throughout the world and

gain the religious and political authority and

leadership in the world in which the oppressed is

liberated. His return is awaited by both Sunni and

Shi‘is and understood as a realization of God’s

promise and His gift to the oppressed. This belief,

therefore, becomes the philosophical basis for the

establishment of Muslim umma.

The Shi‘i model of golden figure under the Mahdi

is associated with the binary opposition of oppressed.

In Shi‘ism, the concept of justice is usually discussed

from its oppositional reality which has become

important concepts, namely injustice or oppression.

The structure of binary opposition or binary system

which is a pair of related concepts that are opposite in

meaning has sharply colored the discourse of justice

in Shi‘i writings. In fact, injustice or oppression has

been experienced by the Prophet Muhammad, his

family and descendants, and followers of Shi‘ism

throughout Muslim history. Even Shi‘ism itself has

even been associated to the faith of the oppressed or

justice-seeking class, as Dicky Sofjan puts it:

“Shi‘ism in nature is the ideology of the oppressed

who are constantly struggling for freedom and justice,

as echoed by the Shi‘i clergy and intellectuals.

According to Islamic historiography, the Prophet

Muhammad, his family, and Shi‘i followers have

suffered from injustice early on as well as received

the tyrannical treatment” (Sofjan, 2013).

Furthermore, Shi‘ism has been known to have the

culture of opposition and resistance to a hostile

majority. The Shi‘i mode of resistance is magnified

by the Shi‘i personification of the Imams as the

victims of Sunni injustice. This has made the Shi‘i

tradition the hallmark of the oppressed to overthrow

an oppressive and corrupt regime and Shi‘ism with its

strong revolutionary disposition has become, as

Dabashi calls, a religion of protest (Dabashi, 2011).

3 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT

The interest to the concept and teaching of justice

increased during the New Order (1966-1998) under

the oppressive regime. This is in line with the interest

to critical or neo-Marxian theory of society and

culture such the plight of the oppressed and the

The Structure and Context of Justice in Indonesian Shi‘i Discourses

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pedagogy of the oppressed. This meets with critical

concepts in Islam with the terms like the oppressed

clearly presented by Shi‘i thinkers such as Ali

Shariati and Murtada Mutahhari. The popularity of

the critical thinking was due to the a historic moment

of the victory of Iranian revolution in 1979. In the

revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, its leader, succeeded

in overthrowing the oppressive regime of Reza

Pahlevi. The historical event has attracted great

attention from modernist Muslim intellectuals and

leaders in Indonesia such as the late Hamka, Dawam

Rahardjo, and Amien Rais who related it with the

phenomenon of Islamic revival of the fifteenth

century of the Muslim calendar. The victory was seen

as the result of the power of Islamic faith against

tyranny and corruption associated with the powerful

Shah of Iran.

It is the Shi‘i doctrine of justice that to a certain

extent become important attractive element for

Indonesian youth to convert to Shi‘ism as they saw it

instrumental in the struggle to establish a just

government and to replace an authoritarian regime

like the New Order government and the Iranian

revolution led by Khomeini who succeeded to

overthrow an oppressive regime is a justice

implementation. The Shi‘i model of resistance to

tyranny and injustice is seen as more appealing than

Sunni political thought that is likely to accommodate

to tyrannical rulers. Embracing Shi‘ism is thus an

expression of protest against the political regime and

the religious establishment (Zulkifli, 2016).

The structure of binary opposition (which is the

backbone of any language, culture, and philosophy)

and binary pairs is a fundamental structure in

Indonesian Shi‘i discourses. Included in the structure

is justice-injustice, justice-oppression, justice-

tyranny, or justice-corruption.The structure of binary

pairs include imamate-justice and Shi‘is-the

oppressed or the Ahl al-Bayt-the Oppressed. These

structures have colored the Indonesian Shi‘i discourse

of justice and related concepts but the structures more

often than not are related to the political context.

The binary opposition of justice-oppression is

always expressed in the annual commemoration of

Ashura, the commemoration of the martyrdom of

Imam Husayn, the third Imam, who was murdered in

battle at Karbala, on 10 Muharram 61 (10 October

680). It is held on every tenth day of Muharram, the

first month of the Muslim year. Usually Ashura takes

place in cities and towns in Indonesia with a large

population of Shi‘is. Since reformation, the

commemoration has taken place publicly and has

attracted the interest of national mass media,

including anti-Shi‘i groups. The important position of

the commemoration has contributed to constituting

the Karbala Paradigm, the most emotionally intense

episode in Shi‘i history, which is instrumental in

maintaining this deeply embedded emotion within the

heart of Indonesia’s Shi‘i community. For Shi‘is, the

Karbala paradigm has not only provided an

opportunity for spiritual redemption but also become

“a vehicle for expressing and strengthening a variety

of political and social relationships, associations and

identities” (Aghaie, 2014).

The Battle of Karbala has been used by Shi‘is as

symbols to articulate a range of political, cultural, dan

religious values. Whiles Husayn symbolizes

goodness, truth, justice, piety, courage, self-sacrifice,

honor, and devotion to God, Yazid symbolizes evil,

moral corruption, injustice, cruelty, pride, and

obsession with the material world. The opposition

discourse of justice versus oppression, honor versus

shame, good versus evil and others becomes a central

theme in Shi‘ism (Aghaie, 2014).

The Ashura commemoration in which the struggle

for justice is deeply ingrained is frequently

contextualized with the political situation. Ashura has

been celebrated for years in Indonesia although

Sunnis and Shi‘is celebrate it differently. Among

Sunnis, fasting is recommended and the cooking of

Suro porridge which has red and white colors has

been widespread. The appeal for sacrifice is usually

emphasized and is illustrated by the famous Shi‘i

slogan: “Every day is Ashuraand every place is

Karbala”. It is used to encourage the followers of

Shi‘ism to contextualise the struggle of Husayn in

Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesian Shi‘is see that the

Ashura commemoration in which Husayn’s struggle

for justice is emphasized has relevance to the national

flag: red and white. “And the red and white flag that

is the flag of our country, the flag of our pride, which

we uphold is also inspired by Imam Husayn’s

struggle. Conscious or unconscious. Red symbolizes

blood that is shed to defend the truth. White

symbolizes the sanctity of the struggle.” (Ahlulbait

Indonesia, 2017).

The Ashura commemoration is seen to have high

relevance to the state ideology of Pancasila. Umar

Shahab, the chairman of ABI advisory council, stated:

“We are proud as Indonesian Muslims, especially

as lovers of the Ahl al-Bayt, we are proud that the

foundation of our country is five principles, five great

precepts, which we call Pancasila. Because the

principles are in accordance with the main principles

of our religion. We are followers of devine unity

“there is no god but Allah” symbolized by the first

principle or precept (the Only One God). Imam

Husyain is also a humanitarian fighter as symbolized

by the second principle. That is what Imam Husayn

fought for (Just and civilized Humanity). We also

adhere to the third principle which states about unity.

We also defend, fight for the interest of the people.

The Quran teaches to defend the common people.

That we are also very proud, the principle of

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democracy is the basis of our country as the fourth

principle. And the fifth principle is justice which is

also the goal of the struggle of Imam Husayn.”

(Ahlulbait Indonesia, 2017).

The widespread discourse of justice in the Shi‘i

narratives is closely related to the political context of

the position of the Shi‘is as integral part of the

Indonesian state and nation. Being part of this big

nation, they are not only proud of being citizens of

Indonesian state and members of the Indonesian

society with equal rights and obligations but also

loyal to the state ideology of Pancasila, the 1945

Constitution, and the Unitary State of the Republic of

Indonesia (NKRI). In IJABI’s Pancasila Declaration

on 1 June 2017 it stated that IJABI always attempts to

play an active role in their endeavour to keep upright

the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based

on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.

“With

Pancasila, we invite all elements of the nation to

jointly maintain and care for the Unitary State of the

Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), and fight against any

attempt to replace the foundation and pillar of our

nation and state. Let every flower sprouts in the

homeland called Indonesia. Indeed, among great gifts

from this country is the introduction to us plurality,

diversity, and ideology to maintain the diversity

within unity: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika” (Ijabi, 2017).

Husayn’s struggle for justice is considered to have

significance to President Joko Widodo’s project of

mental revolution. IJABI has issued a press release in

2014 which states: “IJABI is trying to maintain the

values of our lord Husayn’s struggle. IJABI believes

that the example of our lord Husayn and his family

and companions is the deriving force of a genuine

mental revolution. Every fragment of the Ashura

story presents a true lesson of upholding justice.

Through the example of Ashura, people want to learn

to fight for human justice.” (Majulah Ijabi, 2014)

Husayn’s struggle for justice is even seen to have

universal significance. It is not only a value for

Muslim but for all human being. The event of Karbala

is seen to contain a noble dimension, namely the

struggle to gain a true humanity. Struggle for

liberating mankind from oppression and tyranny is

truly a universal value regardless any religions,

traditions, and political affiliations. “As a tragedy,

‘Ashura is a witness to us about the climax of human

tyranny and cruelty of a regime, which have no

comparison in history. A grandson whom the prophet

frequently called his son, his beloved and young

master of paradise was murdered cruelly under the

heat of the barren plain of Karbala. The martyrdom of

Imam Husayn and the loyalty of his followers are

symbols of the existence of beloved sons in those

days, who strongly opposed a tyrannical regime”

(Zulkifli, 2013). It is also emphasized: “Imam Husayn

sacrified for humanity. There are human values

tramped by the Umayyad regime: they ignored

justice; they ignored honesty; they ignored the truth;

they ignored human rights. For this reason Imam

Husayn rose to sacrify himself and his family in order

that all human being is aware and continues to fight

for the truth, for holiness and justice” (Ahlulbait

Indonesia, 2017). To follow Husayn’s example of

sacrifice for truth and justice is one of the lessons

acquired from the commemoration of his martyrdom.

Thus, although the Battle of Karbala is a local case

in a specific historical event, the Shi‘is see it to

contain a universal dimension. “Since there is always

tyranny, then there must always be revolt” (Dabashi,

2011). The role of Ashura was to stimulate people

that there are always injustice and tyranny in every

time, place, government, and nation, and people

should always have the humanitarian principle,

namely the spirit of revolution to fight against

oppression and tyranny (Aghaie, 2014).

4 THE SOCIAL CONTEXT

The binary pair structure of Shi‘is-the oppressed has

dominated the social context of Shi‘i growth and

development in Indonesia. The concept has been

utilized by many Shi‘i foundations especially in the

formulation of its vision and mission. In the

Muthahhari Foundation, for instance, there is a

section called Imdad Mustadh‘afin which means “to

give assistance and pay attention to the dispossessed

and oppressed.” It is meant to improve the self-

respect of the poor and provide education to the

children of the lower class in society in order to have

better future life (Zulkifli, 2013). The terminology is

then used in the vision of IJABI is formulated: “to

present an intellectual movement which enlightens

Islamic thought and to empower the oppressed.” The

empowerment of the oppressed becomes one of its

five pillars, in addition to rational and spiritual Islam,

non-sectarianism and prioritizing morality over

jurisprudence, pluralistic Islam, and civil Islam.

(Mappadeceng, 2014). Claiming IJABI as an

umbrella organization for a marginalized community

throughout history, Jalaluddin Rakhmat maintained

that the goal IJABI is to side with and empower the

poor and the oppressed in society.

Similarly, the binary pair structure of Shi‘is-the

Oppressed is clearly expressedin the innaugural

speech of the chairman of advisory council of ABI,

the Ahl al-Bayt of Indonesia, on 15 June 2011, Dr.

Umar Shahab as follows: “As a role model, the Ahl

al-Bayt really reflects the noble values of Islam. They

are at the forefront of defending the poor and the

oppressed (mustad‘afin). Their home is a malja’ (a

sanctuary) for the poor people and the commoners.

The Structure and Context of Justice in Indonesian Shi‘i Discourses

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Even unbelievers feel the security and tranquility in

their homes. The teachings they convey are full of

compassion and greatness.” (Ahlulbait Indonesia,

2017).

To side with the oppressed is an important

element of da‘wa.

The concept of da‘wa should

include three elements, namely the injunction of

enjoining good and prohibiting evil, the

implementation of Islamic shari‘a, and the

empowerment of humankind against tyranny and

injustice.

Then, an important type of da‘wa is social

work activities or social da‘wa which is an

implementation of the Shi‘i teaching promoting the

necessity to side with the oppressed. The practical

aspect of social da‘wa is to give material and financial

assistance to members and groups of the poor, both in

urban and rural areas, regardless their religious

affiliations. The effect of social da‘wa activities can

make the Shi‘i members, teachers, and activists closer

to members of other communities.

The structure of justice-injustice is elaborated to

the structure of good-evil or civilized-backward and

in the context of anti-Shi‘i activism. In recent years

varied types of anti-Shi‘i activism tend to increase.

The various types of anti-Shi‘i activism have created

destructive sectarian violence. The unwanted case

was the brutal sectarian attack against the Shi‘i

community in Sampang, Madura, East Java, on 29

December 2011. The mosque, learning facilities, and

houses were burnt down by hundreds of villagers

from the surrounding of learning institution because

the institution is spreading the deviationist teaching

of Islam. Ironically, while the attackers were freed,

Tajul Muluk, the leader of the institution and of the

community is on trial for blasphemy. On 12 July

2012, Tajul Muluk was sentenced to two years in jail.

Many elements of Indonesian society see it as unjust

decision and an effort to criminalize Tajul Muluk who

represents a minority group. Another terrible attack

against the Shi‘is in Sampang, Madura, took place on

26 August 2012 in that one was killed, at least seven

were injured, and 47 houses were burnt down. Almost

300 people were then had to leave their village and

now take shelter in the tennis court in the town.

Hundreds of others were not found, probably hiding

in forest or in other villages and towns. Finally, on

July 2013, 354 Shi‘i followers were relocated to the

Puspa Argo blocks in Sidoarjo, East Java, until today.

The criminalization of this minority group due to

blasphemy is an example of the opposition structure

of justice-injustice.

In the Shi‘i discourse “the cultural backwardness”

of the anti-Shi‘i group is characterized. In its 2013’s

certficate, ABI has advised its members to expose the

suffering and oppression of the followers of the Ahl

al-Bayt school continuously to the government and

the wider community in order to introduce their moral

excellence in contrast to the cultural backwardness of

the hostile groups. “Ashura is also an attempt to

welcome to maintain the motherland from the robed

extremist spreading seeds of hatred and hostility

among the national citizens. Ashura is also an attempt

to welcome the call to guarantee that the national

leadership in the hand of trusted leaders, guarantee all

of its national citizens in freedom to practice their

faith, free from intimidations and fear, and guarantee

the rights of its people to live in prosperity physically

and mentally.” (Majulah Ijabi, 2014)

5 THE RELIGIOUS CONTEXT

The structure of binary pairs of Shi‘ism-pure Islam is

closely connected to the religious context. This is

basically the fundamental divide between Shi‘ism

and Sunnism or, in Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s term,

between Alawi School (Islamic tradition associated

with Ali, the first Imam in Shi‘ism and the fourth

caliph in Sunnism) and Umari School (Islamic

tradition associated with Umar (the second caliph).

“Followers of the madhhab alawi believe that all

traditions of the Prophet Muhammad, with regard to

doctrine, worship and social interaction must be

followed without exception. According to this

madhhab, all of the Prophet’s traditions are textual

proofs, since the Prophet was totally immune from

major and minor sins and mistakes. His life was led

wholly in accordance with the will of God. Any

stories and interpretations contrary to this principle

are rejected in Shi‘i Islam…the madhhab umari, by

contrast, follows the traditions of the Prophet only in

relation to doctrine and worship and not in contingent

worldly aspects. The madhhab umari argues that on

several occasions the Prophet made mistakes, was

corrected by his companions, upon which God sent

His injunctions to affirm the opinions of his

companions” (Zulkifli, 2013).

In addition, Shi‘is generally see themselves as

‘the chosen’, in contrast to the Sunni majority. This is

in accordance with ethos of refusing to recognise that

the majority opinion is necessarily true and has

become one of the most important distinguishing

aspects of Shi‘ism. There is an Indonesian statement,

‘Alhamdulillah kita sudah Syi‘ah’ meaning ‘Praise be

to God, we are already Shi‘i’ which is an affirmation

of their high religious status. Although they

acknowledge that Sunnis are Muslims, the Shi‘is

affirm that they themselves are the true believers.

This view is partly derived from the frequently-cited

statement by the Prophet Muhammad commanding

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the faithful to follow his household and also the

statement that ‘Ali and his followers will gain victory

on the day of judgement and will enter paradise.

Another argument frequently used by members of the

Shi‘i community in Indonesia is that the number of

people who uphold the truth is usually small, while

the majority of people only follow popular teachings

propagated by means of political force. This is also an

argument which explains the minority position of the

Shi‘is in Indonesia as well as in the wider world

(Zulkifli, 2013).

In addition, for Shi‘is, Shi‘ism is believed as the

school of Islam that attempts to maintain pure Islam,

sometimes called Islam Muhammadi (Muhammadist

Islam) in contrast to “corrupted Islam” by the

oppressive regimes. “Islam Muhammadi is the

Islamic teachings in accord with the message brought

by the Prophet Muhammad and continued by his

purified household and loyal companions.” The

Ashura commemoration is a way to maintain the

continuity of Muhammadist Islam which the Prophet

Muhammad and his household uphold. Husayn

sacrificed his life in order to establish truth and justice

that have been destroyed by the oppressive regimes.

“In the Indonesian context, Ashura is to welcome the

call to Islam Muhammadi, Islam that has the noble

character as taught by the purified model.” (Majulah

Ijabi, 2014). The prophet’s household and the Imams

are believed to have ascrified their lives to establish

Islam Muhammadi. On another occasion, Jalaluddin

Rakhmat said: “Let us resolve to continue their

struggle to establish truth and justice. Let us resolve

to vow an oath of allegiance to the Messenger of God

(Upon Whom be Peace) and his pure House, to

establish Islamic teachings based upon the Book of

God and the Sunna of His Messenger and transmitted

by his infallible House. Let us summon pure tenacity

to continue this pure struggle until the last day”

(Zulkifli 2013).

In the above quotations, it is indicated that the

structure of binary pair of Shi‘ism-pure Islam is

against the other binary pair of Sunnism-corrupted

Islam that was promoted by the tyrannical regimes,

particularly Yazid and other ummayad leaders. It is

the ideal concept of Islam Muhammadi that is

promoted through various means of propagation by

Shii figures and organizations.

But there is a contradiction in the religious

context of Sunni-Shi‘i relations. Shi‘ism-Sunnism is

not seen as structural opposition, but as binary pair,

particularly in the context of rapprochement and

integration. As the Shi‘is see themselves as a part of

the Muslim world, they consider Sunnism as a

legitimate denomination in Islam. “According to Shii

sources, the Islamic status of Sunnis is legitimate and

their position is the same as the Shi‘is in all of the

consequences of their Islamic status” (Tim ABI,

2012). The Shi‘is in Indonesia intensively promote

the Islamic unity between different denominations.

They frequently refer to the Amman Message which

was signed by all prominent Muslim figures of the

entire world.

One of its points reads as follows:

“Whosoever is an adherent to one of the

four Sunni schools (Mathahib) of Islamic

jurisprudence (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi‘i and Hanbali),

the two Shi‘i schools of Islamic jurisprudence

(Ja‘fari and Zaydi), the Ibadi school of Islamic

jurisprudence and the Thahiri school of Islamic

jurisprudence, is a Muslim. Declaring that person an

apostate is impossible and impermissible. Verily his

(or her) blood, honour, and property are inviolable.

Moreover, in accordance with the Shaykh Al-

Azhar’s fatwa, it is neither possible nor permissible to

declare whosoever subscribes to the Ash‘ari creed or

whoever practices real Tasawwuf (Sufism) an

apostate. Likewise, it is neither possible nor

permissible to declare whosoever subscribes to

true Salafi thought an apostate. Equally, it is neither

possible nor permissible to declare as apostates any

group of Muslims who believes in God, Glorified and

Exalted be He, and His Messenger (may peace and

blessings be upon him) and the pillars of faith, and

acknowledges the five pillars of Islam, and does not

deny any necessarily self-evident tenet of religion”

(Hardy, Mughal, and Markiewics, 2017).

Similarly, in the context of Sunni-Shi‘i

rapprochement, both denominations agree to have

mutual respect in many aspects of their teachings. For

instance, the late Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah

(1935-2010), a prominent figure among Shi‘i ulama

who strived for the unity between Sunnis and Shi‘is

forbade the cursing and slandering of the Prophet’s

companions known in Sunnism as the rightly Guided

Caliphs (Abubakar, Umar, Uthman) and his wives.

This is a very radical view since this act has been very

common among Shi‘is and is legitimized by Shi‘i

scholars. Excerpt from an interview on 8 March 2008

is read:

“Q: What is your stand regarding the issue of

cursing and slandering the companions, including

Abubakr, Umar and Aisha?

A: Personally, I forbid the act of slandering and

cursing any companion whom Allah had mentioned

in the following Ayah: “Muhammad is the Messenger

of Allah, and those with him are firm of heart against

the unbelievers, compassionate among themselves;

you will see them bowing down, prostrating

themselves, seeking grace from Allah and pleasure,”

(48:29), at a time we set aside the issue of the

Imamate and Caliphate, for which we have other

considerations. As for the issue of cursing, I have

always deemed it forbidden for any Muslim, and I

state in all the relevant religious inquiries I receive

The Structure and Context of Justice in Indonesian Shi‘i Discourses

1539

that it is forbidden to curse and slander any

companion including the Caliphs. I reiterate the

words of Imam Ali (a) which he said while he was on

his way to Siffin and heard some of the People of Iraq

cursing and slandering the People of Sham, so he told

them: “I dislike you starting to abuse them, but if you

describe their deeds and recount their situations that

would be a better mode of speaking and a more

convincing way of arguing. Instead of abusing them

you should say: ‘O Allah! Save our blood and their

blood, produce reconciliation between us and them,

and lead them out of their misguidance so that he who

is ignorant of the truth may know it, and he who

inclines towards rebellion and revolt may turn away

from it.” Actually, this text is found in the book Nahj

al-Balaghah” (At-Taqrib, 2010).

The Iranian spiritual leader, Ayatollah Ali

Khamenei, also issued a fatwa with regard to

Sunnism. He has issued a fatwa in which he

prohibited insulting Aisha, one of the Prophet

Muhammad’s wives and any Sunni Islamic icons:

“Insulting the symbols of Sunni brothers, including

the Prophet’s wife, Aisha, is forbidden. This includes

the women of all prophets and especially the holy

Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), the leader

of all prophets” (Tim ABI, 2012). Therefore, ABI and

its leaders condemned all actions contrary to this

fatwa. Included in the sacred Sunni symbols is the

respect for the Prophet Muhammad’s companions,

particularly the four rightly guided caliphs: Abu Bakr,

Umar, Uthman, and Ali. The Shi‘is recognize that the

truth of this historical fact cannot be denied. They

were also his respectful companions who struggled

their lives and had high achievements in the spread

and establishment of Muslim community during and

after the prophet’s life. In fact, Ali himself was

involved in the struggle with them and sent his

children in assisting them in many affairs. Thus,

although the Shi‘is believe that Ali has the right and

authority to succeed the Prophet Muhammad after his

death, they should respect them and appreciate their

achievements as the Sunnis do to them.

6 CONCLUSION

In the Indonesian Shi‘i discourses of justice, there are

the structure of binary oppositions of justice-injustice,

justice-oppression or justice-tyranny and binary pairs

of imamate-justice, Shi‘is-the oppressed or Shi‘ism-

pure Islam. The use of the fundamental structural

model has been related to the relevant political,

social, and religious contexts. There is a tendency to

apply adaptation strategies with regard to the social

and political context emphasizing the commitment to

achieve national integration. Rapprochement is

applied in the social context emphasizing harmonious

social relations except regarding the anti-Shi‘i

activism which is strongly condemned. Regarding the

religious context the structural model is used as an

attempt to present the authenticity of Shi‘ism over

Sunnism or it may be considered the politics of

authenticity even though Sunnism is considered as a

legitimate denomination within Islam.

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