The Reborn of Labor Party as the Union’s Modes of Engagement in

Indonesia Contemporary Politics

Fredick Broven Ekayanta

Program Studi Ilmu Politik, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl Prof A. Sofian No 1, Medan, Indonesia

Keywords: Labor Party, union, modes of engagement, Indonesia

Abstract: The declaration of Labor Party on October 5, 2021, marked a new chapter in the engagement of unions in

Indonesian politics. The development of the engagement of unions since the Reformation began through the

street politics. Next, since the direct regional head elections were introduced, unions took advantage of the

opportunity to negotiate their interests with regional head candidates. Furthermore, unions took part in the

electoral politics contestation. The absence of political party that represents the interests of workers directly

forces them to form alliances with the existing political parties. In the latest circumstances, unions re-declared

the Labor Party, which had been participated in the first three elections in Reformation era but failed to get a

seat in the national parliament. This article argues that the reborn of the Labor Party cannot be separated from

political developments in contemporary Indonesia, which is marked by the decline in the quality of democracy,

so that unions are increasingly excluded from the political decision-making process.

1 INTRODUCTION

The Indonesian Labor Party (PBI) was founded in

early November 1945 from a union organization

called the Indonesian Workers' Front (BBI) under the

leadership of Sjamsoe Harja-Oedaja. PBI chose to be

involved in the diplomatic process and armed struggle

to defend Indonesia's independence at that time.

However, PBI was unable to become a party that truly

represented the interests of the workers' group

(Wisesa, 1988).

The period between 1950 and the late 1960s was

marked by the emergence of various federations of

trade unions that were affiliated with or became under

bows of political parties, such as the Central

Indonesian Labor Organization (SOBSI) and the PKI,

the Indonesian Muslim Workers Union (Sarbumusi)

and NU, the Association of Indonesian Islamic Labor

Unions. (Gasbiindo) with Parmusi, the Central Labor

Organization of the Republic of Indonesia (SOBRI)

with Murba, and the Central Indonesian Self

Employment Organization (SOKSI) with the military

(Launa, 2011). The trade unions compete to influence

the state.

Under President Sukarno, workers occupy a

special position because they play an important role

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0092-7303

as a unit that has social or political power to create

pressure. For Sukarno, one way to improve the

welfare of the workers was to provide space to

increase the struggle of the workers themselves. This

concept is called politieke tostand. At the celebration

of Labor Day in 1966, Sukarno conveyed the

importance of the role of workers in fighting against

the capitalists who gave birth to imperialism and

colonialism. Sukarno's alignment with workers was

reflected in several policies issued (Afrianto, 2021).

Table 1: Labor policy under President Sukarno

Yea

Polic

1947

Require the company to pay compensation to

workers who have work accidents or suffer

from wor

-related illnesses

1948

Regulate labor rights regarding working

hours, holidays, and exemption from work

obli

ations on Ma

1954

Regulate the terms of the work agreement

etween workers and management

1960

Prohibit workers in vital companies and

agencies from striking

During the New Order era, the union could not

exist because it was faced with an authoritarian

Ekayanta, F.

The Reborn of Labor Party as the Union’s Modes of Engagement in Indonesia Contemporary Politics.

DOI: 10.5220/0011510800003460

In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2022) - Human Security and Agile Government, pages 69-73

ISBN: 978-989-758-618-7; ISSN: 2975-8300

 2023 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. Under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

regime. The New Order regime did not provide space

for civil society groups to be actively involved in

political processes. The government used a strategy

of exclusionary corporatism through the formation of

the All-Indonesian Workers Union (SPSI) as the only

recognized union organization. In practice, SPSI was

only an extension of the New Order regime in

controlling the labor movement.

Table 2: Labor policy under President Suharto

Yea

Polic

1968

Removing the Mayday as Labor Day because

it is considered related to Marxism and

Leninis

1969

Establish National Wage Research Council to

advise the government on wage principles

1973

FBSI (later became SPSI) was established as

the onl

labor or

anization in Indonesia

1992

Establish regulations on the implementation

of social securit

for workers

The fall of Suharto in 1998 opened up

opportunities for unions to exist and form political

parties or trade unions. This was made possible after

the government guaranteed the rights of labor unions

by ratifying the ILO Convention No. 87 of 1948

through Presidential Decree No. 83 of 1998. As a

result, the style for unions changed from the previous

monopolistic and corporatist nature to more and more

trade unions appearing. Unfortunately, the ease of

forming labor unions has actually made workers'

groups fragmented and split.

This fragmentation has an impact on the

effectiveness of the labor movement in managing its

relationship with employers and the government. The

fragmentation made the labor movement in post-

Reformation Indonesia unable to maximize the

political situation that gave space for freedom of

association. The weakness of the labor movement is

a phenomenon in the Southeast Asian region, which

is caused by the industrialization process and the role

of the state which limits the labor movement. In fact,

the labor movement is getting more and more

structural pressures in the current era of globalization,

which is marked by faster global capital movements

and labor market flexibility. (Temple, 2005).

In addition, the fragmentation of labor movements

also resulted in the absence of a single Labor Party

that could exist in Indonesian politics. Although

several parties that identify themselves as labor

parties have existed and participated in elections, in

fact these parties have not been able to mobilize all

elements of the workers to support the existing labor

parties, so that none of them has ever succeeded in

reaching the national parliament. The 2021 is marked

by the re-declaration of the Labor Party. This article

will answer why the party was declared again and

what it has to do with the context of workers'

involvement in politics in Indonesia. Previously, it

will be explained the forms of involvement of unions

in politics in post-reform Indonesia.

2 STREET POLITICS, PARTY

ALLIANCES, AND

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING

There are three primary ways that unions act to

achieve their goals in Indonesia after reformation:

street politics, party alliances, and collective

bargaining. These ways are carried out in three stages

of development. In the initial phase, unions voiced

their demands through street politics. This method

was adopted because there were no political parties

representing workers. The next phase is marked by

getting involved in electoral politics. This

opportunity was opened when direct regional head

elections (pilkada) were implemented in 2005.

Pilkada provided space for workers to negotiate their

interests with regional head candidates at the local

level. The next phase, the workers' groups

increasingly involved themselves in electoral politics.

This involvement has been seen since 2009 when the

workers were running for the legislature. Given the

rules in Indonesia that do not allow members of the

legislature to nominate independently, these workers

must look for available political parties to nominate

themselves. (Caraway & Ford, 2020).

In post-Suharto era, no other civil society actor

rivalled labor in ‘street-level politics’ (Juliawan,

2011). Street politics became the choice of unions to

show their resistance to a flexible labor market

system. An increase in the minimum wage and a

change to a more favorable working status are

demands that are often expressed and have been

achieved, although still limited. In addition, street

politics also contributes to the formation of workers'

collective identity. However, this street politics got a

backlash from businessmen, by blocking street

actions using the shields of paid thugs and formal

officers. (Habibi, 2013).

An example of the involvement of unions during

the Pilkada, occurred in the 2017 DKI Jakarta

Pilkada. At that time there was an alliance between

workers in Jakarta and one of the candidates during

the Pilkada period. Candidates promise the realization

of pro-labour programs if elected, meanwhile workers

are willing to become candidates' autonomous

ICOSOP 2022 - International Conference on Social and Political Development 4

political machines. The alliance is set forth in a

mutually agreed political contract. This shows that

there has been a programmatic exchange of political

distributions during the regional elections

(Amiruddin, Subono & Syamsudin 2020). According

to Juliawan (2010), the street politics and alliances

with political elites are a "playing politics" strategy

carried out by post-reformation unions.

Political contracts between workers and

politicians during elections are interpreted in two

ways. First, labor is considered a promising political

commodity so that political actors are willing to agree

to the wishes of the workers if the actor is elected as

a leader in the election. Second, workers try to play

the role of a catalyst and show their existence by

giving birth to political contracts for potential leaders

(Afrianto, 2021).

One of the labor representatives who managed to

win a parliament seat was Nyumarno who was elected

to the Bekasi DPRD in 2014. Nyumarno's candidacy

was initiated by the Go Politics Labor movement

which was initiated by one of the labor union groups,

the Federation of Indonesian Metal Workers Union

(FSPMI). Nyumarno's presence in the DPRD has

succeeded in producing various pro-labour policies,

such as the 2016 Manpower Local Regulation, JasTek

assistance for honorary workers, the budget for health

insurance, to advocating for the working class in

various forms of impromptu inspections to companies

that have problems with their workers. (Nagara,

2019).

The political context in Indonesia under President

Jokowi (2014-present) is marked by the

aggrandizement of executive power and the

disorganization of civil society groups, thereby

narrowing the space for unions to influence policies.

Various policies that were not profitable for the union

were born in this era, starting from Government

Regulation Number 78 of 2015 to Law Number 11 of

2020 about Job Creation (Caraway, 2021). As a

result, workers' group protests various developments,

such as farmer protests cement factories in Central

Java, coal mines in Sumatra, and gold and copper

mines in East Java were unsuccessful (Wischermann,

Dang & Sirait, 2022).

Therefore, the union responded to the situation by

reforming the Labor Party as a tool to fight for its

interests. The Labor Party has become a new mode of

engagement from unions in contemporary Indonesian

politics.

3 METHODS

This article employs a qualitative method as it

explains the new union’s modes of engagement in

contemporary Indonesia politics by re-declared the

Labor Party (Partai Buruh). Qualitative research is a

process of scientific research that aims to understand

and explore a problem or phenomenon coming from

human or social interactions (Cresswell, 2013). This

article answers the question why the unions in

Indonesia re-declared the labor party amidst the

recent development of Indonesian political context.

The data is collected by reviewing literature sources

and information including scientific articles, books,

research reports, thesis and dissertation, and news

related to the labor and politics in Indonesia.

4 THE REBORN OF LABOR

PARTY AS THE NEW MODES

OF ENGAGEMENT

After the Reformation, there were eight political

parties that identified themselves as labor parties that

competed in the three elections (see Table 1).

However, the vote gain was very small and none of

these parties managed to win a seat in the DPR (see

Table 2). The best achievement of these labor parties

was the success of 22 legislative candidates who were

elected in various regions through the Social

Democratic Labor Party (PBSD) in 2004. The

inability of the labor parties to gain seats in the

national parliament has resulted in the exclusion of

unions in the political process. there is. Therefore,

according to Faedlulloh (2019), building a labor party

is an important agenda in the democratization process

in Indonesia.

Table 3: Labor party in three elections since 1998

Election 1999 Election 2004 Election 2009

Part

(

)

Part

(

)

Part

(

)

PBN (0,11%) PBSD (0,56%) PPPI (0,72%)

PRD (0,07%) PB (0,26%)

PPI (0,06%)

PSPI

(

0,06%

)

PSP

(

0,05%

)

Table 4: Labor-based party total votes

Election Total Votes Percentage

1999 365.205 0,35%

2004 636.937 0,56%

2009 1.010.828 0,97%

The Reborn of Labor Party as the Union’s Modes of Engagement in Indonesia Contemporary Politics

The failure of labor parties in Indonesia shows the

contradiction between the availability of

opportunities and the immaturity of social

movements into political movements. In this regard,

the labor movement is not yet ripe to become a

political movement, and its collectivism base is still

narrow due to limited resource mobilization and the

weakness of identifying classes as constituents. This

shows the failure of the transformation of the labor

movement from state co-optation to an independent

labor movement.

The need for a labor party is increasingly

important considering that the issue of the labor

movement in Indonesia is no longer just an issue of

increasing wages but is also developing progressively

towards issues that are identical to the new-left

movement, such as labor going politics, anti-

neoliberalism, gender, human rights, democracy,

citizenship, to public policy (Zuhdan, 2014).

The development of science and technology

known as industry 4.0 contributes to making the

position of workers and laborers disadvantaged.

Industry 4.0 influences the disruption of the status of

employment relationships, from the status of

permanent employment relationships, contracts and

outsourcing to the status of freelance and precariat

relationships. In addition, it also has an impact on the

normative rights of workers in the form of unclear

wages, social security, and the continuity of workers'

careers (Triyono & Marcelawati, 2021).

On 4-5 October 2021, the Labor Party held its IV

Congress in Jakarta and elected Said Iqbal and Ferri

Nuzarli as President and Secretary General of the

Labor Party. For the labor movement, the party is a

necessity as a political tool to strengthen the struggle

of the workers, farmers, and other elements of the

people (partaiburuh.or.id, 2021). This time, the Labor

Party was reborn because of the Cipta Kerja Law

which was considered detrimental to the workers and

profitable to investors. With this party, the workers'

group wants to fight through parliament, not just

through the streets (Putri, 2021).

The Covid-19 pandemic situation and the Cipta

Kerja Law have made work status even more flexible.

Prior to the Cipta Kerja Law, jobs that could be

outsourced were limited to five types of supporting

work (non-core business), namely cleaning services,

food/catering services, security personnel or security

guards, supporting services in mining and oil, and

worker transportation services. The existence of the

Cipta Kerja Law allows all jobs to be outsourced,

including core-business. As a result, workers become

vulnerable because there is no job security, protection

guarantee, and other rights as workers, and it is

increasingly difficult to be appointed as permanent

workers. Another impact that harms workers is the

reduction in severance pay, making it easier for

workers to get laid off (PHK), until the minimum

wage increase is kept below the annual inflation rate

so that it has an impact on the purchasing power of

workers. (Theodora & Sucipto, 2022).

According to data from the Ministry of

Manpower, around 29.4 million workers throughout

Indonesia have experienced various rights violations

due to the pandemic (Triatmojo, 2021). Many

companies use the reason for the pandemic as an

excuse to violate workers' rights in various ways,

from laying off workers, cutting salaries, to doing

massive layoffs.

Based on the data above, this article argues that

the reborn of the Labor Party in Indonesia is a

response to state policies that are considered not in

favor of the interests of workers during the Covid-19

pandemic. In addition, the policies that were not pro-

labour were born due to one of the reasons for the

ineffectiveness of the union’s strategies such as street

politics and alliances with political elites. The Covid-

19 pandemic has limited people's mobility, thereby

limiting opportunities for unions to carry out street

politics to voice their demands and interests.

Meanwhile, alliances with political elites are also not

an effective strategy to incorporate working class

agendas into state policy.

Törnquist (Sumandoyo, 2017) argues that many

unions are involved in short-term populist

movements of elite transactional politics, instead of

forming autonomous political blocs that reach out to

broad demands since changes in economic and social

rights and welfare policies among workers in

vulnerable conditions. In addition, the efforts of

members of the union who participated in the contest

through electoral politics also still had a limited

impact. The reason is that they do not offer an

alternative roadmap independent of the dominance of

its union leaders who are drawn into short-term

sectoral political tactics.

The partiality of government policies that are not

pro-labour cannot be separated from the current

political developments in Indonesia. One of them is

the party system in Indonesia which is becoming

increasingly unrepresentative by marginalizing voters

who are on the left and right ends of the Indonesian

political spectrum. These voters are Islamist, liberal-

progressive, leftist, and working-class voters

(Mietzner, 2020).

ICOSOP 2022 - International Conference on Social and Political Development 4

5 CONCLUSIONS

The reborn of the Labor Party in Indonesia is a

continuation of the union’s mode of engagement in

politics, after using street political strategies, making

alliances with political elites, and running for

electoral politics. Although labor parties have failed

in several elections, this choice was made because the

three strategies above are currently no longer

effective in responding to government policies and

attitudes, especially after the Cipta Kerja Law was

passed.

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The Reborn of Labor Party as the Union’s Modes of Engagement in Indonesia Contemporary Politics