The Position of Toba Batak Ethnic Women on Land Obtained from
Families in North Sumatra Province
Ria Manurung
a
, Rizabuana Ismail
b
,
Robert Sibarani
c
and Hadriana Marhaeni Munthe
d
Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl. Dr. T. Mansyur No. 9, Medan, Indonesia
Keywords: women, toba batak ethnicity, land, rights
Abstract: Development activities often ignore the position of women concerning land. The condition of the social
structure and unbalanced relations in society makes women have a disadvantaged position in every policy
issued. Therefore, this study aims to look at the position of women on land in the Toba Batak community.
This research was conducted in 6 regencies in North Sumatra Province, including Toba Regency, North
Tapanuli Regency, Samosir Regency, Humbang Hansuduntan Regency, Barus Regency, and Dairi Regency.
A qualitative approach was used through interviews, observations, and Focus Group Discussions with 50
ordinary and key informants. This research is based on gender equality in society and equality of women's
rights in development. The conclusion of this study shows that Toba Batak women have an essential role in
the existence of land owned by the family.
1 INTRODUCTION
Throughout human life, land becomes a very
important position in supporting life. Land has
various meanings and functions for the community,
including economic interests, including fulfilling the
needs of life. In the interest of social status as
community members by owning a lot of land, they
will have power and respect from the community
compared to those who do not own land. In terms of
the existence of a land tribe, this becomes important
as the identity of the existence of a tribe, and in the
application of customary activities the land becomes
important in ceremonial activities. Especially for
agrarian communities, land becomes a very important
asset for them, where land ownership determines
productivity, economic welfare, social status, and
political power.
There is an increase in population growth that is
getting higher, while the land area is limited; of
course, this raises public interest in land. This
increasing interest in land has given rise to various
community and land relations. Sometimes the
relationship between the community occurs in
a
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6430-5052
b
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7329-5183
c
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6208-8170
d
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8868-0837
conflict because of the struggle over land for their
needs. Women are found to be one of the actors who
are often involved in land conflicts. The narrative of
women in land conflicts can be seen in the women's
movements, the Pandumaan and Sipituhuta women's
movements against plantations (Siagian and Harahap
2016)
From a traditional perspective, the land is
considered very important for women due to its
essential role in producing food for their family
consumption. According to research on women
farmers, even though they are in a subordinate
position, women farmers are the key to reducing
hunger in the world (Wahyuni, 2018) (World Bank,
2003) (Sasongko, 2005). The available data also
shows that about 40 percent of small farming families
in the Indonesian agricultural sector are women, or
7.4 million, contributing to 14 percent of gross
domestic product (GDP). At the 2017 World
Economic Forum (WEF) Annual Meeting, Monique
Villa, CEO of the Thomson Reuters Foundation, said
that women own less than 20 percent of the world's
land, but more than 400 million of them farm produce
most of the world's food. The data above shows there
174
Manurung, R., Ismail, R., Sibarani, R. and Munthe, H.
The Position of Toba Batak Ethnic Women on Land Obtained from Families in North Sumatra Province.
DOI: 10.5220/0011563500003460
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2022) - Human Security and Agile Government, pages 174-178
ISBN: 978-989-758-618-7; ISSN: 2975-8300
Copyright
c
2023 by SCITEPRESS Science and Technology Publications, Lda. Under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
is an impression that appears that women dominate
the land more than men (Suradisastra, 1998).
In many communities, it is found that landless
women imply lower social status. The lack of
women's rights to land reduces women's autonomy
and voice, affecting their self-esteem and well-being.
Women who are not guaranteed land rights have less
bargaining power in the household and are less able
to participate in decision-making and access other
resources. FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization,
2011) emphasizes that increasing women's access to
economic resources will positively affect a series of
development goals, including poverty reduction and
economic growth.
In the life of the Toba Batak people, Toba Batak
women have a close relationship with the land. The
local context of the Batak Toba community is women
as a source of food providers and food security guards
by placing women as Parsonduk Bolon in the
household to maintain family welfare. In supporting
this role at the time of marriage, this Toba Batak
woman got land in the form of a rice field given by
her family called "pauseang." Pauseang land is owned
by individuals and can also be owned by a community
that is descended from a woman who owns pauseang
land, which shows the existence of female
descendants. This fact can be seen, among others, in
the existence of pauseang land owned by the Tambun
clan in the Sibisa area, which is a land belonging to
the Manurung clan. This ownership is not only
limited to regional geography but includes the
descendants of the Tambun clan worldwide.
Although the Toba Batak community is known as
a patriarchal society, Toba Batak women and their
husbands are allowed to live on family land. They can
manage their family's land, called "sonduk hela."
There is a custom that Toba Batak women like to buy
land rather than sell land. An interesting fact found in
the Toba Batak community is that Toba Batak women
always try to protect their family's land. Among them,
Toba Batak women are often found as guardians of
land owned by the family because all of their brothers
are not in the area where the family lives. There were
several cases where this woman was very persistent
in protecting her family's land when her extended
family wanted the land to be managed so that she
would fight against them. There are many records of
women's resistance to protecting the land.
In addition, if a brother sells the family land, he
will try to buy the land on his own or provide loan
money where the land is used as collateral and can be
redeemed. The existence of this condition makes
women also have the opportunity to get a lot of land
in the place of their families.
From the description above, it is interesting to
analyze the position of women in maintaining the
state of their land and belonging to their extended
family. This is important given that land is the
primary source of income and food security for most
rural households in many countries. This is not an
easy challenge as tenure arrangements are dynamic
and can vary widely within and between countries.
2 RESEARCH PROBLEM
What is the Position of Toba Batak Ethnic Women on
Land obtained from the family
3 LITERATURE REVIEW
3.1 The Function and Use of Land for
the Toba Batak People
The Toba Batak people have long known the division
of land locations based on the function and use of the
land as follows (Firmando, 2021):
a. Forest area: the so-called tano jungle and
harangan. Young forests are called spears or
rabbis.
b. Agricultural Area: Rice fields are called saoa or
hauma. The fields for growing rice are called
hauma tours.
c. Grazing Area: Streets are pastures for grazing
livestock without supervision
d. Backup Areas: Backup areas are named
according to different purposes. Offer at a push
or bonus level.
e. Sacred Area: This channel is believed to be
around the spirits and souls of dead ancestors
called parsombaonan, solobean, parbeguan and
saba parhombanan, or other equivalents of this
designation
3.2 The Struggle of the Batak Toba
Women to Defend the Land
Ulfa Nadra's (Nadra, Santoso, & Sasana, 2016)
research results found that women in the Batak ethnic
group are not only involved in domestic activities but
are also central figures in rice farming activities. This
phenomenon has occurred for centuries and is a habit
that has been passed down from generation to
generation in the households of ethnic Batak farmers.
Agrarian conflicts in the Batak Lands related to
social development occurred several decades ago in
The Position of Toba Batak Ethnic Women on Land Obtained from Families in North Sumatra Province
175
the Batak lands. The exciting thing about land
conflicts in the Toba Batak community is that Batak
women are always involved in conflicts to defend the
land. This picture can be seen in several cases of land
conflicts that occurred. In 1972 in the village of
Syriac, North Tapanuli, a dispute started with the
Forestry Service, who planted pine trees on vacant
people's land without prior permission. Counted 200
Batak women came down to protest. Batak women to
fight for their land rights walk 65km from their
village to Tarutung. The case ended when the Regent
of North Tapanuli decided to stop the activities of the
Forestry Service.
In 1989, a rural conflict also occurred in Sugapa
Village, North Tapanuli. 10 Batak women protested
against the 52 ha land taken over by Indorayon, which
was used as the People's Inti Plantation (PIR) area and
planted with eucalyptus. These ten women represent
42 Heads of Families who feel that they have never
agreed to hand over their land to become a PIR area.
The story of the ten women who fought for their
customary land is one that the Batak people
remember as an example of fighting for customary
land rights (Silaen, 2005)
In a land dispute related to social development
that occurred on September 12, 2019, a group of
Batak women, residents of Sigapiton Village, Ajibata
District, Toba Samosir Regency, blocked a vital tool
that entered their village and took action to take off
their clothes. This important tool is part of a tourism
development project belonging to the Lake Toba
Tourism Authority (BOPDT), namely The Nomadic
Caldera Toba Escape.
3.3 The Concept of Poverty and
Inequality
The land is an essential asset in an agrarian society
where land ownership determines productivity,
economic welfare, social status, and political power.
Therefore, land rights can be an essential tool for
promoting the health and well-being of the poor. The
case for improving land rights is solid for women in
developing societies as women tend to own smaller
lands and plots than men (World Bank, 2003).
Women are consistently less likely to own or operate
land; they are less likely to have access to leased land,
and the land they do have access to is often of lower
quality and in smaller plots” (Food and Agriculture
Organization, 2011). Women also face widespread
discrimination on inheritance rights, and when they
access to land through markets and redistributive
reforms are less likely than men to acquire land due
to discrimination in the land market, differences in
income and access to credit, and social discrimination
(World Bank, 2003). According to the Marxist view,
the leading cause of poverty is the unequal or unequal
distribution of wealth and income, which is the main
consequence of capitalism.
3.4 The Concept of Land for Women,
According to Frminism
To create gender equality, whether based on human
rights or economic efficiency. The main challenges
for land administration are: to understand and
recognize the complexities of property rights regimes
as they relate to the dynamic roles of men and women.
In today's society, and to provide effective
institutional structures that can protect and strengthen
equitable access to land within the framework of
community-specific land policy objectives. This
statement is essential given that land is the primary
source of income and food security for most rural
households in many countries.
3.5 Development Concept
A prosperous society is not only synonymous with the
growth of national income, industrialization or social
modernization, or per capita income. However, the
development aims to increase freedom in many
aspects, such as a capability approach which
characterizes a person's condition to do something
and the assets owned. Individual freedom needs to be
reflected as a development value. Lack of freedom to
achieve economic opportunities, political freedom,
and social power is a form of development poverty
(Ar, 2018).
In social development, income is not only a
measure that can stand alone. According to Amartya
Sen, individual freedom in owning assets and
managing them is a factor that must be integrated into
the process. This factor highlights the importance of
development focusing on equal roles, values, and
customs that can affect individual freedom to own
and manage property (Sen, 2006).
4 RESEARCH METHODS
This study focuses on 6 areas in North Sumatra
Province where most of the Batak Toba people are
located, consisting of Toba Regency, North Tapanuli
Regency, Samosir Regency, Dairi Regency, and
Central Tapanuli Regency. A qualitative approach
was used with data collection techniques through
interviews, observations, and Focus Group
ICOSOP 2022 - International Conference on Social and Political Development 4
176
Discussions with 50 ordinary and key informants to
answer this research problem.
5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
5.1 Reasons for Giving Land That
Women Can Obtain after Marriage
For the Batak Toba community, after the son and
daughter at the time of marriage, they are given land.
For boys, it is called Panjean land, while for girls,
Pauseang Batak Toba land is given; there is still more
land that is inherited by women, including:
a. "Indahan Arian" is given a piece of land by a
father to his daughter when the daughter already
has children. So, this gift is meant to be “indahan
arian” for his grandson.
b. Batu ni assimun, a gift from a father to his
daughter who already has children. In the form
of pets and gold. The point is a gift that seems
like a gift for his grandson.
c. Dondon Tua, a gift from a father to his daughter
who has given birth to a child in the form of a
plot of land to his eldest grandson.
d. Punsu tali, a gift from a father to his daughter.
This gift is the last gift and can only be received
by the daughter when the father dies.
e. Ulos naso ra buruk, a gift from a father to his
daughter. This gift is the first capital when
starting to build a household.
Generally, all women had the right to a share of
the land from their parents. However, it was found
that there were differences in the rules of the
geographical distribution of land. Women in the
Barus, Tarutung, Samosir and Humbang areas do not
know Pauseang land. Still, they are more familiar
with land given as upah loja boru which are only
given after their parents die. This land is known as the
land of giving as a bond of love between parents and
their daughters, namely the puncu tali. Pauseang land
is only known in the Toba Regency area. This land is
usually given when the daughter is asked to marry and
at the same time as the sinamot (meaning: dowry)
from the male side.
5.2 Accepted Land Form
The land in this research area is generally land and
watery land (rice fields). In general, the informants
received land in rice fields, and they had the right to
manage the land they received from their families.
They generally manage the land to be used as rice
fields to help them meet their food needs. However,
also found that several informants received land that
had been used as a place of residence and business.
They have made this decision as a place to live and
business based on the support of their parents.
5.3 Women’s Access to Land Received
Women are a link in the development chain, but in
general, they are not valued as members of society as
a resource in the development process. Batak women
were found to have direct access to land as managers
and decision-makers to determine the function of the
land they managed. This condition is possible
because, in general, women who manage this land are
women where women are wives and are supported by
their daughters, who are already able to work in the
fields. In addition, it was also found that Batak
women could directly access their agricultural
products for sale to the market.
5.4 Their Strategy Is to Defend the
Land That Has Been given
Women in the study area were found to have different
strategies for defending the land given to them. The
strategy taken is
a. Informants strengthen ownership by certifying
the land owned to show the power of state legal
ownership
b. For land handed over but not yet certified, the
informant strengthens his land ownership
through a statement letter on paper stamped and
signed by a relative. If the parents are still alive,
it is also signed by the parents.
c. The informant makes the land he receives into
his residence and already has a letter from the
subdistrict certificate.
d. For land in the form of rice fields, the informant
always manages it, and his son already manages
it there.
e. If they have financial difficulties, the land will
be sold to their relatives with an agreement that
if they have the money, they will be redeemed
5.5 Strategies Used by Women to
Defend Their Family’s Land
The exciting thing is that apart from protecting the
land that was given to her, it turns out that the Toba
Batak woman will also defend the land owned by her
brother. Toba Batak women will defend their family's
land when their relatives sell them by providing loans
or buying the land directly so that it does not fall into
the hands of others.
The Position of Toba Batak Ethnic Women on Land Obtained from Families in North Sumatra Province
177
6 CONCLUSIONS
1. Batak women have direct access to the land they
own from their families
2. Toba Batak women are the decision-makers in
managing the land they own from the family
3. Batak women begin to have a strong position on
land given to them by their families, both by
custom and by law
4. Toba Batak women always try to protect the
land given to them by their families.
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