resilience, which contradicts the results of previous
studies.
The displaced residents now living in Rusunawa
Marunda also did not see the economic aspect as
necessary for their resilience. It happened because
they had lower income than they used to before
relocation. In addition, although they paid less to live
in Rusunawa than they used to, the people believed
they spent more on daily needs than before. This
happened because the relocation had forced them to
leave their previous business behind, such as selling
goods and working in entertainment centers, making
them lose their livelihoods. Since these people only
had the skill of sellers or trades in economic centers,
the technological and human resource aspects were
not needed in forming resilience in their new place
because Rusunawa Marunda is not a center of
economic or entertainment activities. In addition,
they spent less in their previous home because they
lived illegally without paying rent—they also got the
water service and electricity illegally.
Natural resource quality, equity, natural resource
utilization, and diversity dominate ecological aspects.
The displaced residents now living in Rusunawa
Marunda perceived that water quality and service,
environment, and household waste disposal and
sanitation are better than in their previous residential
under the roads and/or near river banks.
Connectedness is the dominant indicator in
shaping the social aspect than the organizational
indicator. For example, although housing placement
is done randomly, respondents from the relocation
area found it comfortable hanging out with their
neighbors because they were well received. For
organizational indicators, the involvement of the
majority of residents in social organizations was
because they found the organizations fulfilled their
needs, such as religious services, community
services, sports, social gatherings, skill development,
and waste banks. Barrow Cadbury Trust (2012)
mentions that connectedness can shape community
resilience.
In the cultural aspect, value conformity and
comfort were more dominant than new habits.
Respondents felt calmer and more comfortable
because they lived in a decent house and could better
follow the growth of their children. Children could
actively play in a good place. Residents were
involved in various social activities.
The physical aspect in sequential was formed by
health, education, market, worship, work and
recreation facilities. According to respondents,
Rusunawa Marunda provided complete and
affordable physical facilities. In addition, a play area
for children helped the displaced residents, especially
parents, feel secure knowing that their children
played in a safe place, especially those previously
living in the Kalijodo area.
5 CONCLUSIONS
This study analyzes the community resilience of the
displaced residents now living in Rusunawa
Marunda. Our findings confirmed only four (4) out of
eight (8) aspects forming the community resilience of
these displaced residents in Rusunawa Marunda. Our
finding differed from previous studies because we
used different traumatic events, namely relocation of
people living illegally on the government’s land
(open green space). Previous studies examined the
effect of disaster and terrorism (Longstaff, 2010;
Howard, 2016; Roger, 2016; Barrow Cadbury Trust,
2012; British Red Cross, 2012) or economic crisis on
community resilience (Schwind et al., 2009).
The community resilience of the displaced
residents now living in Rusunawa Marunda was
formed by the ecological aspect, especially water
quality and service, environment, and household
waste disposal and sanitation that were better than in
their previous residential under the roads and/or near
river banks. The social, cultural, and physical aspects
were the dominant aspects after the ecological aspect
for community resilience.
The political aspect, such as aspiration and
government assistance, was not perceived as an
essential or dominant aspect of forming community
resilience of these displaced residents. The economic,
technological, and human resource aspects were also
not seen as crucial in forming community resilience
in Rusunwa Marunda. They had to pay more expense
living in Rusunawa for rent, electricity, and water—
all things they could get illegally before moving to
Rusunawa. However, they made less money because
they no longer lived in the economic and
entertainment centers where they could work freely—
Rusunawa is a housing complex, not an economic
center. Many people who used to work without
specific skills were forced to leave such unskilled
jobs when moving to Rusunawa Marunda—they
could neither use their capacity nor the technology
available to improve their capacity.
REFERENCES
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