Table 6: Distribution of employers’ answers to the ques-
tion “How do you assess the competencies of workers
from Ukraine compared to Poles working in the same po-
sitions?”, % of the total number of respondents (Personnel
Service, 2019, 2020, 2021).
Level of competence
Year
2020
More competent 4,7
Just as competent 72,2
Less competent 14,2
It is difficult to answer 8,9
tion.
Thus, the number of Ukrainian students study-
ing in Polish higher education institutions in the
2010–2011 academic year was 3,570 thousand peo-
ple, while in 2016–2017 – their number increased by
10 times, reaching a total of 355,584 thousand peo-
ple (Statistics Poland, 2020). According to the study
“Ukrainian students in Poland: policies of attrac-
tion, integration and motivation and students”plans”
conducted by the analytical agency CEDOS during
March-May 2018 (N = 1055), half of the surveyed
Ukrainian educational migrants combine study with
work. After completion of their studies in Poland,
only 6,0% of Ukrainian students want to return home,
23,0% of respondents intend to stay in this country,
32,0% of students plan to work in the EU countries or
outside of it, while all others have not yet decided on
their intentions (Stadny, 2019).
Under the conditions of quarantine, the possibili-
ties of e-learning have expanded (Kalashnikova et al.,
2022; Vakaliuk et al., 2022). It can be assumed that
this is why, in the competition for applicants, which
will take place between Ukrainian and Polish higher
education institutions, and most likely, the latter will
win. Remote forms of organizing the educational pro-
cess deepen the indicated trend in educational move-
ments, which, in turn, will lead to the emergence of
new trends in labor migration processes. Namely, it
will contribute not only to a significant rejuvenation
of Ukrainian guest workers, but also to intensification
of the outflow of highly skilled labor forces.
Many years of migration experience and the ex-
isting trends in labor migration processes of recent
years have contributed to the formation of migration
networks. They, being a form of social capital in the
transnational space, significantly increase the likeli-
hood of labor force movements, taking into account
the possibility of minimizing the risks associated with
finding a job, study, residence, etc. Such networks as
an independent factor in intensification of labor mo-
bility, regardless of its root causes (mass unemploy-
ment and impoverishment of the population) became
the impetus for Ukrainians to move to work to the EU
countries in the early 1990s and remain valid to this
day. According to the estimates of the State Statistics
Service of Ukraine for the period 2015–2017, among
Ukrainian labor migrants in Poland, there were 73,0%
of those who found a job through friends, relatives,
acquaintances, 16,7% – through private individuals,
5,5% – through employers, 5,4% – through private
agencies, 8,3% – in other ways (State Statistics Ser-
vice of Ukraine, 2017).
The data of the Polish Labor Market Barometer
(2017–2020) research also confirm the assumptions
about the self-continuation of migration through the
functioning of labor migration networks, as the most
effective way to find Ukrainian workers is family and
friend ties. In the second half of 2019, the number
of employers’ appeals to labor offices in Poland de-
creased sharply. Instead, searches through social net-
works and online services in Ukraine intensified. This
is confirmed by the fact that in the conditions of quar-
antine it was extremely difficult for employers to re-
turn illegal labor migrants who were forced to return
to donor-countries or decided to “sit out” the lock-
down in Poland (table 7).
The All-Ukrainian Association of International
Employment Companies reported that over the period
March-May 2019, about 5-10% of the total number
of labor migrants returned to Ukraine. Among them
there are mostly those who worked seasonally on
short-term contracts. Whereas those who had long-
term contracts as well as permanent residence permit
in the recipient-countries remained abroad, even hav-
ing lost their jobs due to the economic crisis caused
by the epidemic. Already in May 2020, after the end
of the lockdown, most of those who returned to their
homeland, went back to work (Libanova and Pozniak,
2020).
The main reason for this was that Polish em-
ployers, realizing the dependence of the success of
their business on the lack of Ukrainian labor forces,
quickly implemented a number of precautionary mea-
sures to return and retain workers (providing social
guarantees, raising wages, migration amnesty, which
provides automatic continuation of the term of work
visas for the period of the epidemic and 30 days af-
ter its completion, i.e. for two months if the quaran-
tine measures are extended). Thus, in Poland the state
program Crisis Shield was being implemented, within
the framework of which foreigners who were prop-
erly employed, but lost their source of income due
to the economic crisis, received social benefits in the
amount of about 1400–2080 zlotys (10.3–13.5 thou-
sand hryvnias) (Kulchytska et al., 2020).
According to the data of the Polish Labor Mar-
Ukrainian Guest Workers in the Labor Market of Poland: Changing Trends in Labor Migration Processes
9