Ethnopsychological Specific Qualities of Gifted Students
Zukhra Abdurakhmanova
*
and Dildorakhon Yangiboyeva
†
National University of Uzbekistan named after M. Ulugbek, Tashkent, Uzbekistan
†
Keywords. Acculturation, Foreign Students, Multi-Ethnic Educational Environment, Globalization, Migration,
Integration, Qualities, Modernism.
Abstract. During the last decades, the problem of migration has been one of the most topical research topics in various
fields of knowledge. This is due to globalization processes, changes taking place in the world economy and
politics, outbreaks of ethnic conflicts and civil wars, the increasing mobility of modern youth, and other social
phenomena. Under the conditions of a constantly changing society, the characteristics of migration processes
are also changing: migration directions, migration conditions, factors determining successful adaptation,
migrants' motivation, socio-demographic characteristics of migrants, and many other characteristics that
determine the context of migration processes and, therefore, to some extent, directly affect each individual
migrant. Therefore, the range of scientific interests related to the study of migration processes is constantly
growing.
1 INTRODUCTION
One of the key characteristics of modern society is the
increasing complexity and diversity of the world.
Against the background of global processes, there is,
on the one hand, an intensification of intercultural
communication observed in various spheres: from
everyday communication, participation in
multicultural educational or work communities, to
international negotiations. On the other hand, there is
an increase in the cultural heterogeneity of the world
community, particularly as a result of globalization
processes. Thus, differences between races, peoples,
cultures, religions, and subcultures are not being
leveled out but remain prominent and visible on all
continents and in all countries. This situation has
created an urgent need to develop strategies for
successful interaction in a multicultural environment,
which entails intercultural competence. As a result,
intercultural competence has become one of the most
important skills of the 21st century.
Recently, the number of international students
coming to Russia in pursuit of higher education,
skills, and experience has considerably grown. As a
*
†
result, the admittance of students with different
cultural backgrounds (citizenship, social class,
religion, and ethnicity) has made Russian universities
diverse and multicultural. Such diversity demands
that foreign students adapt to a new cultural
environment and the lifestyle of the host country. This
adaptation, known as acculturation, has social [Berry
J.W. (2005).] and academic outcomes, as
international students encounter distinctive
challenges in adjusting to a new cross-cultural
environment that might influence their academic
achievements and psychological well-being [Andrea
A.L. (2014)]. Research shows that in the conditions
of a new cultural environment that presupposes
having its social norms, customs, and traditions, the
majority of international students have to face such a
problem as cultural shock.
R.D. Ushkanova in her research subdivides
acculturation into the following types: educational,
psychological, legal, economic, religious, and several
others. She also uses the notion of "acculturation
modus," distinguishing under it biculturalism,
multiculturalism, transculturalism, etc. The above
research conclusions give the author grounds to
Abdurakhmanova, Z. and Yangiboyeva, D.
Ethnopsychological Specific Qualities of Gifted Students.
DOI: 10.5220/0012476500003792
Paper published under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
In Proceedings of the 1st Pamir Transboundar y Conference for Sustainable Societies (PAMIR 2023), pages 25-30
ISBN: 978-989-758-687-3
Proceedings Copyright © 2024 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda.
25

consider acculturation as a generic concept of
intercultural interaction [Ushanova I.A. 2003].
In the context of global culture, so-called flexible
acculturation becomes a subject of research interest.
Flexible acculturation is characteristic of the modern
world in which people actively move between two or
more multicultural environments. In the context of
multi-ethnicity as a habitual phenomenon, flexible
acculturation provides multiple patterns of
identification and integration [Ushkanova R.D.].
In the middle of the twentieth century, the term
"acculturation" is actualized by researchers at the
personal level as well - under the conditions of
interaction with another culture, changes in value
orientations of individuals, their social attitudes, and
changes in the psycho-emotional sphere are studied.
Thus, psychological acculturation means changes at
the personal level when an individual comes into
contact with new cultures, which include different
cultural or ethnic groups [Berry D., Purtinga A.,
Sigall M., Dasen P. 2007.].
In recent years, there has been a significant increase
in interest in the comparative study of mental
development patterns in different cultures. This is
evidenced by the numerous studies conducted in
recent decades. Psychologists are interested in
questions related to the influence of culture on the
development of psychological features of people in
different socio-cultural ethnological spaces.
Methodologically important for our study is also the
definition of three main directions of adaptation to the
new culture given in the so-called ABCs of
acculturation by K. Ward. First, it is the affective
approach when the stress factor is the interaction with
a foreign culture, which can be overcome by
mobilizing adaptive resources. Secondly, it is a
behavioral (or behavioral) approach (the concept of
social learning), in which the individual acquires
cross-cultural adaptation through the mastery of
appropriate specific skills demanded in the new
cultural environment. Third, it is the cognitive
approach (social identification theory), within the
framework of which the following components of the
acculturation process are fundamental for us:
- Social attitudes towards representatives of one’s
own and another’s cultural groups and their formation
- Norms of source and adopted cultures and their
perception
- Ethno-cultural identification and its changes.
2 METHODS
The purpose of our ethnopsychological study was to
investigate the psychological characteristics of Uzbek
and Russian gifted students.
Within the framework of this research, we were
interested in:
a) cultural values dominating in Russia and
Uzbekistan;
b) features of the value-semantic sphere of
personality of gifted students of different countries,
connected with attitudes towards self, society, and the
future;
c) the structure of value orientations of gifted
students;
d) personal features of gifted students through the
analysis of their life path and the features of the social
situation of their development.
The identification of students as gifted was based on
the criterion of real intellectual achievements and
their evaluation by teachers. About two hundred
students under the age of 23, studying in Russia and
Uzbekistan, took part in the study, with 40% being
girls and 60% being boys.
In Uzbekistan, the study was conducted at the
National University, and in Russia, at the Tyumen
Medical University.
Two hypotheses were formulated:
1) there are differences in some indicators of
giftedness of young people located in different socio-
cultural environments (at the level of the compared
countries), because human existence is a polyprocess,
and his belonging to many different-order systems is
somehow manifested in psychological qualities;
2) adhering to an axiological view of culture and
taking into account the fact that spirituality is
manifested differently in different cultures, we can
assume that the value and meaning sphere of gifted
youth in different countries will have a different
structure.
To identify value orientations, the study used a well-
known test developed by the American psychologist
M. Rokeach, adapted and standardized in Russia.
Measurement of cultural values was carried out with
the help of the test "Cultural Value Differential"
(CVD) developed by G.U. Soldatova [Soldatova G.U.
1998]. The purpose of this technique is to measure
group value orientations: to the group, to power, to
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each other, and to social change within the
psychological universalism "individualism-
collectivism". The methodology allows cultural
values to be considered in a space defined by bipolar
axes: Orientation to the group - Orientation to oneself,
Openness to change - Resistance to change,
Orientation to each other - Orientation to oneself,
Respect for authority - Distrust of authority, etc.
The reliability of differences between the studied
samples according to the results of the questionnaire
survey and the "Culture-value differential" was
established using Student’s t-criterion. Data
processing using the M. Rokeach test was done in two
stages: the first stage involved calculating Spearman's
rank correlation coefficient to determine similarities
and differences in the structures of value orientations
of Russian and Uzbek students. At the second stage,
the Kruskall-Wallis criterion was calculated to assess
multiple comparisons of value orientations.
Table 1 presents the results of the Cultural Value
Differential (CVD) test. As can be seen from the
table, there are differences in the profile of values in
different cultural contexts.
Table 1: Survey data of Uzbek and Russian students using the Cultural Value Differential methodology.
Values Uzbekistan Russia Values Uzbekistan Russia
Mutual aid 74,9 69,6 Separateness 32,9 34,4
Insularity 40,9 50,5 Openness 70,8 60,5
Discipline 29,4 30,6 Self-discipline 70,6 63,4
Aggression 33,3 37,8 Peacefulness 64,7 52,2
Loyalty to traditions 75,2 68,9 Disruption of traditions
traditions
24,8 36,1
Caution 36,6 40,8 Risk-taking 63,4 50,2
Respect for authority 33,3 44,9 Distrust of authority 66,7 55,1
Warm-heartedness 88,4 62,1 Coldness 11,6 26,9
Obedience 47,9 38 Autonomy 52,1 62
Aspiration 58,7 55,1 Future orientation 41,3 44,9
Rule of law 36,4 39,4 Anarchy 26,6 60,6
Complacency 48,8 37,4 Resistance 51,2 62,6
According to many psychologists, the world's
cultures and ethnic subcultures seem to differ in terms
of collectivism and individualism. In collectivist
societies, intragroup norms and intragroup role
relations are the motivating force that drives an
individual to act and a distinctive factor that
determines the direction of their actions [Dzhidaryan
I.A. 1997].
On the Group Orientation - Self-Orientation axis in
Russian and Uzbek cultures, responses are clustered
at the pole of Collectivism. The scale Orientation
towards each other is of interest in connection with
the category of "spirituality," as it assesses
parameters such as cordiality - coldness, pliability -
rivalry, aggressiveness - peacefulness. The data on
the value of cordiality shows that Uzbeks express
spirituality (cordiality) to a greater extent - 88.4%
(among Russians - 62%). The same is true for mutual
help, compassion, and peacefulness, but
aggressiveness and rivalry are more pronounced
among Russians. Interesting results were obtained in
the Cautiousness - Risk appetite criterion. The quality
of caution has different levels of expression in all
cultures studied. Russians believe that this quality is
expressed in them by 40.8%, Uzbeks - by 36.6%. The
inclination to risk is more pronounced among Uzbeks
- 63.4%, and to an average degree among Russians -
50.2%.
Of interest are the values Openness to Change -
Resistance to Change (Openness to Change -
Conservatism). Let us consider the criterion Loyalty
to traditions - Destruction of traditions: among
Russians, the tendency to destroy traditions is weak
(36.1%), among Uzbeks even to a lesser extent
(24.8%), but Loyalty to traditions was demonstrated
to a greater extent by Uzbeks - 75.2% and to a lesser
extent by Russians - 63.9%, (differences are
statistically significant at p≤0.05). A similar picture
was revealed for the Law-abidingness - Anarchy
criterion.
Ethnopsychological Specific Qualities of Gifted Students
27

As shown in Table 1, Uzbeks have 58.7 percent of
ambition for the past, and Russians have 55.1 percent.
Future orientation for Russians is 44.9 percent, and
for Uzbeks, it is 41.3 percent, both falling within the
medium range. The scale Power Orientation (Strong
Social Control - Weak Social Control) is associated
with submission to prohibitive and regulated social
standards. Its indicators are Discipline - Willfulness.
According to the survey, students placed Russia and
Uzbekistan on the Willfulness pole (corresponding
figures for the Discipline criterion: Uzbekistan -
29.4%, Russia - 30.6%).
As the analysis of the results shows, Uzbek culture is
dominated by the values of collectivist culture, while
Russian culture is close to Uzbek culture in this
respect. The data on the bipolar axis Openness to
Change - Conservatism (Tradition) indicate that the
values of Russian and Uzbek culture are at the pole of
Conservatism. The data on the scale Orientation
towards each other indicates that spirituality
(cordiality, peacefulness, mutual support) is highly
expressed in the Russian and Uzbek cultures. It is
interesting that the self-esteem of the representatives
of different cultures is comparable in most scales
(there are no marked differences). Our results are
confirmed by the data of other authors. Thus,
according to N.M. Lebedeva [Lebedeva N.M. 2000,],
Russian culture is collectivist. N.M. Lebedeva
considers such values as family protection, health,
true friendship, loyalty, intellect, meaning of life,
inner harmony, associated with communication and
spirituality of a person, as basic values of Russian
culture. Tables 2 and 3 present the results of the study
of value orientations of Russian and Uzbek students.
The analysis of the terminal values presented in Table
2 has shown that such universal values as love, health,
and friends, regardless of culture, occupy the first
places on the scale of values in both Uzbek and
Russian samples. In relation to the value of
"pleasure," this value ranks fifteenth in the Uzbek
sample and eighteenth in the Russian sample.
Table 2: Results of a study of the terminal value orientations of young men in Uzbekistan and Russia (mean value, secondary
ranks).
Terminal VO
Uzbekistan Russia Pairwise
comparisons
Rank
s
Mean Rank
s
Mean
Statistically
significant at
the level of р ≤
0,05
Active life 10 9,78 8 8,49 *
Life wisdo
m
4 7,33 14 11,19 *
Health 1 5,25 1 4,06 *
Interesting Wor
k
5 8,03 11 10,38
The beauty of nature and ar
t
17 12,10 16 12,62
Love 3 6,42 3 6,04
Materially secure 11,5 10,31 4 7,45
Life 2 6,06 5 7,57 *
Friends 14 11,44 6,5 8,40
Good life in the country 13 11,02 13 10,47
Public recognition 8 9,00 12 10,47
Knowledge 18 14,22 9 9,94 *
Equality 9 9,12 17 13,32 *
Autonomy 7 8,67 10 10,28 *
Freedo
m
11,5 10,31 2 5,60
Happy family life 16 11,77 15 12,02
Creativity 6 8,44 6,5 8,40
Self-confidence 15 11,47 18 14,04
As can be seen from Table 2, Uzbek students differ
from Russian students in 7 terminal values
(differences are statistically reliable). More
significant for Uzbek students, in comparison with
Russian students, are such terminal values as wisdom
of life, friends, independence, and freedom. Less
significant are active life, health, and equality.
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As we can see from Table 3, Uzbek students differ
from Russian students in 4 instrumental values (for
Uzbek students, the values of independence, broad-
mindedness, and honesty are more significant, and for
Russian students, the values of high demands).
Based on the received data, we can state that in terms
of terminal values, Uzbek students differ from
Russian students to a greater extent, whereas in terms
of instrumental values - the means of achieving the
goal - they are closer to Russian students.
A comparative analysis of the structure of value
orientations of girls and boys in different cultures
showed the following: in Uzbekistan, there is a
difference in two terminal values, with the value of
love being more important for girls and the value of
pleasure being more significant for boys. Seven
instrumental values differed between boys and girls.
Table 3: Results of a study of instrumental value orientations among young men in Uzbekistan and Russia.
Instrumental VO
Uzbekistan Russia Pairwise comparisons
Ranks Mean Ranks Mean
Statistically significant at the
level of р ≤ 0,05
Neatness 14 10,54 6 8,45
Politeness 11 9,80 4 8,13
High expectations 17 14,39 8 9,09 *
Vitality 4 7,35 3 7,34
Independence 3 7,20 14 11,26 *
Irreconcilability 18 14,80 18 14,15
Dutiful 16 11,61 15 11,38
Educated 1 6,60 1 5,23
Responsibility 9 8,76 13 10,23
Rationality 7 8,00 11 9,68
Self-control 6 7,81 5 8,34
Courage 10 9,03 10 9,45
Determined will 2 7,00 2 6,68
Tolerance 13 10,30 9 9,11
Broad-mindedness 8 8,10 17 11,77 *
Integrity 5 7,80 7 8,89 *
Effectiveness in deeds 12 10,00 12 10,17
Sensivity 15 11,23 16 11,47
Rationality, self-control, and irreconcilability to
shortcomings were more important for the boys; for
the girls, politeness, sensitivity, honesty, and
tolerance were more important. In Russia, differences
are observed in three terminal values (health,
interesting work is more important for girls, freedom
- for boys) and three instrumental values. We can
conclude that in the Uzbek sample, predominantly
“male” and predominantly “female” instrumental
value orientations stand out to a greater extent than in
others. Soviet psychologists wrote about this [Yadov.
L1979]. Among the “masculine” ones, such
orientations as intransigence, rationalism, and self-
control were noted; among the “feminine” ones, it
was mentioned that they were well-mannered,
tolerant of others' shortcomings, and empathetic.
3 CONCLUSION
Many authors discuss the strategies of struggling with
acculturation stress in students from different regions
and the connection of using certain strategies with
successful cross-cultural adaptation. According to the
author, constructive coping strategies contribute to
successful adaptation; they help to overcome
adaptation problems and negative emotional states.
We absolutely agree with the author and, developing
her idea, add that individuals facing acculturative
stress have to cope with it to different extents. Thus,
its degree may vary from the lowest to the highest
one. Some students perceive acculturative experience
as something negative, namely as a source of stress
and depression, whereas others take it as something
Ethnopsychological Specific Qualities of Gifted Students
29

positive, a challenge, and new opportunities for self-
development and self-perfection. That is why it
becomes important to work out individual strategies
in addition to general ones.
An important indicator of adaptation to society,
culture, and the current social situation is life
satisfaction, which can be assessed by answering the
question “Are you happy?” According to I.A.
Dzhidaryan [Dzhidaryan I.A. 1997.], life satisfaction
is part of a person's activity structure. There are
indications [Dzhidaryan I.A. 2001.] of high positive
correlations between life satisfaction (happiness) and
such personal characteristics as self-esteem, sociality,
self-regulation, etc.
According to our data, the majority of gifted students,
regardless of gender and the country in which they
live, are happy. This was reported by 73% of Uzbek
and 85% of Russian male students. A similar picture
emerges for girls. I.A. Dzhidaryan [12] cites high
rates of dissatisfaction with life among our
compatriots, averaging up to 75 percent.
The results allow us to conclude that gifted students
living in different cultures (Uzbekistan and Russia)
have both general and specific characteristics related
to culture. The general characteristics of gifted
students, regardless of culture, include the
phenomenon of incomplete "culturality" that we have
identified. This manifests itself in the fact that gifted
students in different cultures are similar to gifted
students in other cultures. Specific characteristics
include differences in worldview, in the sphere of
values and meanings, and in the peculiarities of the
social situation of development.
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