Bilateral Ties Between Afghanistan and Turkey and the Impact of

Soft Power Policies

Faizullayev Aziz Husan Ogli

, Ravshanov Sukhrobbek Gayrat Ogli

Butayev Usmonjon Khayrullayevich

and Abdurakhmanov Sanjarbek Sunnat Ogli

Tashkent State University of Oriental Studies, Tashkent, Uzbekistan

The National University of Uzbekistan, Tashkent, Uzbekistan

Keywords: Young Turks, Expansion, the Policy of Non-Interference, "Soft Power", TIKA, Yunus Emre Institute.

Abstract: The historical formation and development of Turkey-Afghanistan relations, as well as the religious, social,

and historical closeness of these two countries to each other, are studied in detail in the article. We can see

that bilateral relations were carried out at an intense level during the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of

Turkey. For the cultural development of Afghanistan, he contributed to the country's development by

effectively using his cultural diplomacy, and "soft power" tools, in particular: TIKA, Yunus Emro Institute,

and public diplomacy. In particular, he raised the level of Afghan students by providing them with various

educational grants along with the construction of schools, providing health care, and educational institutions

with the necessary equipment, and improving the training of the Afghan military.

1 INTRODUCTION

The historical foundations of the relations between

Afghanistan and the Ottoman Empire, and later

Turkey, have led to a heightened level of engagement

in the 20th century, persisting and evolving even in

the contemporary, challenging era. A thorough

examination of the historical progression of these

cooperative ties opens avenues for novel approaches

in modern international relations.

In the context of Afghanistan, two key elements

within its society - the Sunni religious majority and

the Turkic-speaking minority, comprising Uzbeks

and Turkmens - hold significance for Turkey. Turkey

has consistently demonstrated a keen interest in

supporting the Turkic-speaking minority in

Afghanistan. This commitment is particularly evident

in its backing of figures like former Vice President

Abdul Rashid Dostum, providing insight into

Turkey's approach.

The establishment of Afghan-Turkish schools, the

augmentation of Turkish scholarships, and the

broadening scope of recipients, especially among the

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youth, contribute to training personnel and fostering

cultural exchange. Additionally, efforts to enhance

the presence of the Yunus Emre Foundation,

showcasing Turkish shows and films, and promoting

the Turkish language hold crucial roles in Turkey's

implementation of soft power in Afghanistan. This

influence is particularly pronounced in the northern

and northwestern regions of Afghanistan, where

Turkic-speaking communities reside. Turkey's TIKA

organization significantly contributes to these

processes.

2 FINDINGS

Turkey and Afghanistan share numerous similarities,

with the religious factor being of paramount

importance. Turkey has historically shown significant

interest in Central Asia, and the relationship between

these two nations has proven mutually beneficial.

Scholars such as Kubilayhan Erman, Salim Cohce,

Shimshir Bilal, Selcuk Çolakoğlu, S. Aria, Salehi

Zarghona, Faizullayev A, Zabihullah Dashti have

1284

Ogli, F., Ogli, R., Khayrullayevich, B. and Ogli, A.

Bilateral Ties Between Afghanistan and Turkey and the Impact of Soft Power Policies.

DOI: 10.5220/0012964700003882

Paper published under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

In Proceedings of the 2nd Pamir Transboundary Conference for Sustainable Societies (PAMIR-2 2023), pages 1284-1287

ISBN: 978-989-758-723-8

extensively studied the ties between Turkey and

Afghanistan.

The roots of their relationship can be traced back

to the 1920s when ideas of national liberation gained

traction globally. In Turkey, social thought flourished

in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, attracting the

hopes of peoples and groups in Eastern regions,

particularly Turkestan and neighboring Afghanistan,

for support from the "Young Turks" organization and

government. This movement became an ideological

force for modernist movements in Central and South

Asia and North Africa, leading to a renewed impetus

in cooperation between Afghanistan and Turkey.

In 1921, the Turkey-Afghanistan Treaty of

Friendship and Cooperation was signed in Moscow,

marking the beginning of a rare example of friendship

and cooperation in history. The Afghan people hold a

special place in the hearts of the Turkish nation for

their support during the Turkish War of

Independence. Similarly, Afghanistan, during

Amonullah Khan's reign, drew inspiration from

Turkish modernization, with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

serving as a role model for the new Afghan state.

The collaboration extended to healthcare and

education, as Turkish specialists played a crucial role

in building Afghanistan's first modern state hospital

in 1912. Notably, Fakri Pasha, a renowned defender

of Medina during World War I, was sent as the first

ambassador to Afghanistan, showcasing Turkey's

commitment to bilateral relations.

The formal establishment of diplomatic ties

occurred on June 10, 1921, with Mustafa Kemal

personally raising the flag at the opening ceremony of

the Afghan embassy in Ankara. Further strengthening

the relationship, Fahrettin Pasha was appointed as

ambassador and extraordinary representative in

Kabul on March 1, 1922. Afghanistan celebrated

Turkey's victory over the Greeks on August 30, 1922,

as a national holiday, and the announcement of the

Republic in Turkey was met with great satisfaction in

Afghanistan.

The modernization of Turkey directly influenced

Afghanistan, leading to a state visit by Amonullah

Khan and Queen Suraiya in May 1928. This marked

the first state visit to the Republic of Turkey,

emphasizing the strong ties between the two nations.

During Zahirshah's reign, Turkey actively supported

Afghanistan in regional and international matters,

mediating between Iran and Afghanistan in border

disputes.

In 1934, Turkey played a pivotal role in resolving

the longstanding border issue between Afghanistan

and Iran, demarcating a 300 km border that had been

unresolved for over a thousand years. Afghanistan's

membership in the League of Nations in 1934,

initiated by Turkey, solidified its status as a full-

fledged subject of international relations.

Additionally, in 1937, Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and

Afghanistan signed the Saadabad Pact, establishing

the first regional organization in which Afghanistan

participated.

The theoretical aspects of these relations highlight

Turkey's special and unique approach to

Afghanistan's security. Barry Buzan's concept of

regional security, emphasizing interdependence

among actors, is reflected in Turkey's actions to

secure Afghanistan. Turkey's contributions to

Afghanistan's participation in international and

regional processes underscore its unparalleled

support for the nation's activities on the global stage.

The creation of a regional security belt for Turkey

was deemed an urgent matter, with Afghanistan seen

as a crucial component. Turkey established the

Sadabad Pact to form a security line from Central

Asia to the Balkans, countering potential Soviet

expansion in the south. The Soviets aimed to spread

communism in the Balkans, Turkey, Iran, and

Afghanistan, leading to tensions. Afghanistan,

declaring neutrality during World War II, avoided

foreign invasion.

Post-World War II, Turkey signed new

international agreements, straining relations as

Afghanistan pursued a neutral policy. During Zahir

Shah's rule, Turkey invested significantly in

Afghanistan's education system to counter radical

religious influences. Turkey aided in opening 627

schools, establishing military schools, girls' lyceums,

and various university faculties in Kabul.

Afghanistan reciprocated Turkey's support,

backing Turkey on the Cyprus issue in 1955 and

expressing solidarity on Soviet arms sales to Syria.

Despite U.S. opposition, Turkey actively sought to

protect Afghanistan from Soviet influence. Until

1970, Afghan military leaders received education in

Turkey, and Turkish military materials were used in

Afghan establishments.

Facing a dilemma in the 1980s with the Soviet

expansion into Afghanistan, Turkey condemned the

invasion but avoided measures affecting Soviet

relations. After the Soviet Union's collapse,

Afghanistan gained strategic importance in Turkey's

foreign policy. Turkey maintained ties with the north

of Afghanistan, supported General Dostum, and

provided financial aid until the Taliban's rise in 1997.

Turkey did not recognize the Taliban regime,

condemning their violence. Relations were limited to

technical and humanitarian spheres during the

Taliban rule. Many Afghans sought refuge in Turkey

Bilateral Ties Between Afghanistan and Turkey and the Impact of Soft Power Policies

1285

during this period. Since 2002, Turkey's approach to

Afghanistan focuses on unity, security, political

structure, and combating terrorism. Relations entered

a new stage in 2002, marked by official visits between

Afghan and Turkish leaders in 2002 and 2005.

During this period, Turkey's relations with

Afghanistan saw an increased focus on "soft power"

factors, particularly following the Cold War and,

notably, during the tenure of the AKP party, which

assumed power in 2002. "Soft power" institutions,

such as the influential Yunus Emre Institute, gained

prominence globally. Established as a non-profit

organization in 2007, the institute, named after the

14th-century figure Yunus Emre, aims to promote

Turkish culture worldwide and has expanded its

activities into various regions, including Afghanistan.

The Yunus Emre Institute has been actively

involved in Afghanistan, contributing to the

expansion of Turkey's educational programs in the

country. By 2019, the institute had implemented

approximately 400 projects in Afghanistan, with a

notable achievement being the establishment of

Turkology departments in numerous Afghan

universities. Turkish, as a result of these initiatives,

became the second most studied language among

Afghans after English.

A significant event took place on July 24, 2016,

with the visit of Dr. Serdar, the executive head of

TIKA (Turkish Cooperation and Coordination

Agency), to Afghanistan. During this visit, the

Faculty of Turkish Language and Literature was

inaugurated at Kabul University, marking a

noteworthy development. TIKA, beyond its cultural

contributions, has undertaken over 700 projects

encompassing education, healthcare, and other

sectors in Afghanistan. Among these initiatives,

TIKA reconstructed the Kabul military school,

originally established by the Turkish government in

1933, and built 42 schools in the Mazar-e-Sharif

province.

The schools constructed by TIKA are equipped

with internet systems, chemistry, biology, and

physics laboratories, benefiting approximately 8,000

students. To date, TIKA has successfully completed

and inaugurated 90 schools in Afghanistan.

Additionally, TIKA has played a crucial role in

humanitarian aid, particularly in road construction

and technical assistance. The agency has also been

actively involved in granting scholarships to Afghan

students.

Another significant endeavour was the

establishment of the "Society of Unity and Solidarity

with Afghan Refugees in Turkey." Turkey sent

skilled coaches educated in the country to

Afghanistan, demonstrating enthusiasm in preparing

students for the Science Olympiad. Notably, Turkey

launched seven vocational schools in major Afghan

cities, creating valuable opportunities for Afghans

and ethnic Uzbeks to pursue education in Turkey.

Overall, TIKA has constructed more than 100 schools

in Afghanistan, providing quality education to over

120,000 students.

3 CONCLUSION

The establishment and evolution of cooperation

between Afghanistan and Turkey occurred during a

period marked by unique historical processes.

Turkey, becoming an ideological and cultural leader

for Afghan modernism, sent specialists who played a

crucial role in guiding Afghanistan in various fields

such as technology, military, health, and education.

Turkey significantly contributed to Afghanistan's

engagement in regional and international agreements,

elevating it to a full-fledged participant in global

affairs. Expressing dissatisfaction with the entry of

Soviet troops into Afghanistan, Turkey's relations

with the country stagnated during the Soviet

presence.

Despite the halt in official relations, Turkey

continued to engage with ethnic Turkic populations in

Afghanistan. Throughout the war years, Turkey

became a primary destination for many Afghan

emigrants, and this trend persisted even during the

Taliban rule. Numerous Afghan refugees, particularly

of Uzbek, Turkmen, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Tajik

backgrounds, found refuge in Turkey, with around

3,000 settling in various Turkish cities and many

obtaining Turkish citizenship.

Turkey's support for the formation and

development of Afghanistan's state institutions has

been ongoing, with a continued commitment to this

support. As the withdrawal of US troops from

Afghanistan approaches, Turkey aims to enhance its

role in the region, leveraging soft power factors and

public diplomacy in the new era. Evaluating Turkey's

increased role in Afghanistan yields two contrasting

perspectives.

On one hand, positive assessments highlight the

religious commonality between Turkey and

Afghanistan, Ankara's capacity to improve economic

and educational conditions, its neutrality in internal

affairs, and its significance within NATO. On the

other hand, there are concerns about Turkey's pursuit

of pan-Turkism leadership, attempts to secularize

society, and potential displeasure from regional

rivals, posing challenges to Afghanistan's interests.

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The future of Turkey's role in Afghanistan hinges

on various domestic variables, particularly the

composition of the Kabul government. While some

welcome Turkey's expanded presence and role,

particularly in economic and diplomatic realms, there

is widespread opposition to Turkey's military

involvement. It is anticipated that Turkey may

assume a more substantial economic, diplomatic, and

political role in Afghanistan in the future, contingent

upon Turkey's actions and the preferences of the

current Afghan elite.

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